Music Creation and the Contention for Cultural and Physical Space of Wukari Local Government Area of the Southern Senatorial Zone of Taraba State Nigeria

Music Creation and the Contention for Cultural and Physical Space of Wukari Local Government Area of the Southern Senatorial Zone of Taraba State Nigeria

Omotolani Ebenezer Ekpo PhD¹, Olasunbo Omolara Loko PhD², Gbana, Daude Sike-Uwbu¹

¹Federal University Wukari

²Lagos State University of Education, Ijanikin

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2023.7805

Received: 04 July 2023; Revised: 21 July 2023; Accepted: 25 July 2023; Published: 28 August 2023

ABSTRACT

The Pre and Post Covid-19 advocacy for greening and safeguarding the integrity of the living planet has found a creative expression in the traditional music of the Jukun. For many decades the indigenous Jukun communities of the Wukari Local Government Area of the Southern region of Taraba State, Nigeria has received a countless number of threat and contention for their cultural and physical space. Even though there are literature on the history of the Jukun and its socio-cultural crisis, there is little or no tangible literature on music engagement in this regard. This study employed the qualitative research method through an ethnographic survey of the deployment of music and its various creative medium in instigating and motivating communal involvement of the people in contending for their cultural and physical space. Textual analysis of the selected song samples is carried out to achieve the aforementioned. Through interviews, observations and literature review, relevant data for the study were gathered, analyzed and presented accordingly.

Keywords: Jukun, Covid-19, Music creation, communal contention, Cultural and Natural Space

INTRODUCTION

Human contention for cultural and physical space is an offshoot of the unprecedented rate of changes experienced in his environment as a result of growth and development. The original patterns of climatic activities such as rainfall, animal habitat, vegetation, waterways, fires, and other environmental systems that constitute the living and non-living species of various earth spaces have been altered and displaced. The recent wave of displacement of our planet’s ecosystem forms a huge concern for the survival of man. Ironically, the human quest for better and advanced means of survival on his planet has strained the symbiotic string between him and his planet. Invariably, African nations like Nigeria are experiencing a gradual shift from her rich and mint ecosystem into wastelands as a result of poverty, overpopulation and poor governance.

On-going research on the natural resources and environmental degradation in Taraba State in the northeastern region of Nigeria (Orunoye, 2021) revealed a wide range of unidentified and underutilized natural resources,  while the identified ones were being overstressed producing an adverse impact on the proper functioning of the ecosystem of the region. More importantly, the seemingly unending insurgency within the region and other socio-political and cultural conflicts have necessitated the need for conscious and deliberate socio-cultural restrictions and hostility by the indigenes against any form of threat to their natural and cultural heritage. Various efforts of the indigenous Jukun people in contending for their space within the living planet include music creation. The Pre and Post Covid-19 experiences of these Jukun communities of the Wukari LGA  among which are Wukari, Avyi, Matar-Fada, Gidan-Idi, Tsokundi, Nwokyo, Rafin-Kada, Chonku, Kente, Shinkai, Jibu, Assa, Bantaje, Arufu and Akwana displayed the engagement of the creative medium of music through rituals, war and rivalry songs, work songs, folksong, political songs, entertainment and general ceremonial songs.

Music creation among the Jukun is keenly informed by the interaction of the people with their environment. It ranges from the lyrics of the songs to the musical instruments and techniques engaged in their performances through which socio-cultural norms and various challenges are interpreted and disseminated for corresponding actions. Some of these musical styles are purely instrumentals, dance, chants, and songs accompanied by instruments or a combination of all. It is conceived as a myth by the people that human and nature communicates.  The Jukun believe that the most effective way to overcome your enemies is by facilitating a keen alliance with nature; the galaxy, earth (sand), water and water bodies, animals, trees, stones, air and fire. That is why musical instruments are constructed with these elements of nature to gain access to the supernatural for the preservation of man and his environment.

Music and dance are central to the cultural engagement of the Jukun and have been proven to be very effective in mobilizing both physical and metaphysical beings into preventive actions and sustainability of their cherished heritage. The Jukun, culturally described as warriors and farmers have the Ajo-Bwi and Ajo-Niku respectively among other Jukun indigenous dance ensembles as surviving functional music traditions of instigating and motivating communal involvement in contending for their cultural and physical space to retain their identity.

The geographical description of Wukari LGA and the Southern Taraba as a whole justifies the reason for the intensive contention for the Jukun land by both their immediate neighbours as well as foreigners. The rich and vast farmlands in the region were beautiful grassing sights for herdsmen and other farming communities to fight for and take over. Similarly, civilization and immigration were other identified human activities that have impaired the growth of a healthy natural system in the region, with farmlands eating into the forest and houses and other artificial structures taking over the farmlands at the expense of a healthy environment.

This paper, therefore, seeks to explore the Jukun engagement of music in safeguarding their environmental and cultural space. Through an ethnographic survey of required data for the study and the employment of Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework aspect of Critical Discourse Analysis CDA, Fairclough (1992) in analyzing the three purposefully selected songs, the Jukun creative mode of mobilization and defence manner is described to contribute to the consolidation of an emerging trend in greening and safeguarding the integrity of the living planet, with a focus on Wukari LGA of Taraba State, Nigeria

METHODOLOGY

This study passively engages with the relative deprivation theory, social identity theory and creativity theory to describe the Pre and Post Covid-19 struggles of the Jukun over their territory and the engagement of music in actualizing its defence. While it carried out the analysis of its data using Fairclough’s model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Data for the study were sourced from primary and secondary literature through observation, interview and consultation of relevant documents on terrorism, cultural displacement and music creativity among the Jukun. The wukari Local Government Area of Taraba State was purposively selected because of the consistent contention between the indigenes and various human and non-human forces that seek to displace them. Therefore, engaging Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional analytical framework, Fairclough (1992) as analytical framework, the authors attempt to answer these questions: 1. How does the Jukun use their music in contending for their cultural and natural space? 2. How effective is this creative medium of contention in instigating and mobilizing communal involvement in Pre and Post Covid-19  Jukun eco-cultural, socio-political and economic struggles? Providing the answer to these questions, five indigenous Jukun songs titled – “A bota”, “ A ci Jiii”, “Anumyi ma wo”, “Na ka mbo” and “Abuwa tsazai” were purposively selected because of their long-standing popularity among the indigenes as folk songs for this study. The content and context of their performances were scrutinized using Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional analytical framework. The outcome of the analysis of these five songs x-trays the underlying facts on their creation, performance and functionality.

Conceptual framework

Taking a clue from Duru et al (2019) on the engagement of Norman Fairclough’s Three-Dimensional Framework, Fairclough (2003). The five selected indigenous Jukun songs were analyzed by the model to describe, interpret and explain their functionality among the Jukun, especially in the context of contestation for and preservation of their cultural and natural spaces.

Norman   Fairclough’s Three-Dimensional Model

Zhang, (2013) presents Fairclough’s notion of the integration of critical analysis of texts with the production processes of such texts, and their social context, Fairclough (1992 and 1995). The three dimension views text in all forms within the context of social practice as a combination of its production and consumption. In other words, it is the description, interpretation and explanation of text which includes music lyrics. For him, discourse is a form of social practice embedded in the social structure of a group of people. Discourse is described as an integration of “text, context and interaction”.

The first dimension of the model is the “description stage”, which engages the systematic analysis of a text’s linguistic features in terms of vocabulary, grammar and text structure.  The “Interpretation stage”, is concerned with the perception of the text as an outcome of the production process of text relationship.  In other words, this stage emphasizes the interconnectivity of discourse, its production and consumption.  This consideration of text as a discourse requires an in-depth reconciliation of the text and the context it is used. “The explanation stage” takes cognizance of the reconciliation of textual discourse with sociocultural practices by providing clarity on the connectivity of sociocultural context, and the production and consumption of the texts (Fairclough, 2003; Zhang, 2013; Duru et al 2019).

Therefore, relating Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional analytical framework with this study, the first dimension which is “discourse-as-text” is used in describing the textual properties of the five musical examples by the extraction of text from the song lyrics. The second dimension which concentrates on the production, reproduction and consumption of text, provides a detailed interpretation of each of the song text in the light of its creation and dissemination within and outside the Jukun space. The third dimension of Fairclough’s framework which is the final stage focuses on contextualizing the song texts based on the social and cultural narratives of the people. It is on these three premises we present our findings on the engagement of the Jukun with music and contention for their cultural and natural space.

Relating the Jukun Covid-19 experience with Relative Deprivation Theory, Social Identity Theory and Creativity Theory

 Smith et al (2020), explained Relative Deprivation theory RD in the light of three levels of human experience; firstly, it is an individual’s comparison with another, secondly is his or her perception of being disadvantaged and thirdly, the perceived unfairness of the disadvantaged position of the individual and his/her subsequent resentment towards other members of the group. The pre and post-Covid 19 intercultural encounter of the Jukun with other tribes like the Tiv and the Fulani within their natural and cultural space has to great extent subjected the people to bitter resentment resulting in a devastating crisis as a result of the other tribes’ perception of their disadvantaged position and unfair treatment by the Jukun for so many years. Another experience is the Jukun perception of the government’s insensitivity and abandonment of their territories to the mercies of their adversaries, the consistent crisis made the region accessible for medical aid during the global lockdown of the Covid-19 pandemic, while the adversaries in their various domains are receiving all the aids meant for everyone. Therefore, both parties (i.e the Jukun and the other contending tribes) share the same resentment towards one another to date.

Similarly, Islam (2014) described Tajfel’s Social Identity Theory as the outcome of peoples’ understanding of who they are and group membership that aids their comprehension of social situations including the formation of character as a result of their interaction and motivation by members of their group. The Jukun according to oral history coexist peacefully with other cultural groups until they start posing themselves as threats to the continuity of Jukun as the rightful owners of Wukari LGA. This in turn awakens the Jukun consciousness of their identity and the need for protecting their cultural and natural space. The true identity of the Jukun as farmers and warriors came to play as a result of the introduction of hostile disposition by their neighbours who agitate for the equal right of ownership of the land.

Obialo, (2018) argued that creativity is an indispensable tool for solving human problems. Although approached and applied differently by different tribes and cultural groups, it fosters human growth and development. The theory of creativity has been approached from different perspectives, one of the recent ones as presented by Kaufman and  Glaveanu, (2021) is Glaveanu’s “Five A”  creativity framework (Actors, Audiences, Actions, Artifacts, and Affordances) that gives credit to the double nature of environment i.e “social and material” engagements of man and the interaction of the five elements.

The Jukun creativity especially in music is an integration of these “Five A” factors. This statement can be interpreted as the interaction of “the people, their cultural heritage and their neighbours” within their cultural and natural space, usually expressed in their socio-cultural, economic and religious engagements through music creation.

Overview of Wukari LGA and its Economic Activities

Wukari Local Government as the main Jukun territory was created in 1976 and is divided into 15 traditional administrative districts namely: Wukari, Avyi, Matar-Fada, Gidan-Idi, Tsokundi, Nwokyo, Rafin-Kada, Chonku, Kente, Shinkai, Jibu, Assa, Bantaje, Arufu and Akwana. Wukari LGA occupies a total area of 4,308 square kilometres and has an average temperature of 30⁰ celsius. The Local Government has some rivers such as the Benue and Donga rivers flowing through parts of its territory. Wukari LGA is also heavily forested with the average wind speed in the area put at an estimated 11km/h. Wukari LGA is blessed with fertile land that is good for agricultural activities. Wukari is known for the large-scale production of tuber crops such as yam, sweet potato and cassava as well as the production of groundnuts and other cereal crops such as rice, millet, guinea corn and maize. The LGA has a boisterous trade sector with the area hosting several markets including the popular Wukari yam market, which attracts traders from all parts of the country. Other important economic activities of the people of Wukari LGA include wood carving, hunting, lumbering and food processing. Commercial fishing activities and mining are engaged by the indigenous people of the communities.  In Akwana village of Wukari; Salt and Galena mining, processing and trading stand as the major economic activity of the people.

History has it that without exemption, the entire Jukun communities that constitute the Wukari \LGA of Taraba State have experienced some terrible setbacks in development due to the intermittent occurrence of crises and insurgencies across the region. Land space and boundary squabbles, indigene versus settler conflicts, religious/ethnicity, chieftaincy tussles and disputed jurisdictions, competition to access scarce political and economic resources, and population growth have been identified as the major causes of the crisis in Wukari LGA.

The truism about the quality of Wukari soil is considered the major cause of attraction to many from neighbouring States such as the Tiv people from Benue which has resulted in numerous land disputes that escalated into crises till today. The arable nature of Wukari land has also attracted Fulani herdsmen for grazing which didn’t end well in the past due to farmers’/herders’ clashes that claimed many lives and destruction of many properties. The Jukun believe they are peace-loving people that seldom look for trouble but if any tribe poses itself as a threat to their peaceful living and their continuity as the rightful owners of the land, they are ready to contend for their heritage.

Contention over the Jukun physical and cultural space

An objective overview of the cultural perception of space concerning its development and sustainability in the Jukun communities within the Wukari LGA of Taraba State Nigeria, reveals a long-standing eco-cultural, socio-political and economic contestations between the indigenes and various human and non-human forces. Human forces include headsmen militants, farmers from neighbouring cultures like the Tiv and other foreigners through trade and travels. The non-human forces are natural disastrous occurrences and metaphysical invasions.

Moti, (2019) gave a detailed narration of the Tiv/Jukun crisis of many decades. In his study on the effect of the Tiv/Jukun crisis on the development of the central Nigerian region, he described their dispute which centres around land issues, and economic and socio-political marginalization debates among others, as the most brutal` since the Nigerian civil war. His opinion based on an anthropological report stated that the Jukun were the first to occupy the Wukari space long before the migration of the Tiv. Their coexistence was a peaceful one until the Tiv largely increased numerically and outnumbered the Jukun population, this became consequential to the Tiv’s concurrent agitation for both traditional and political inclusion in power and leadership of the region, which is rigidly resisted by the Jukun who considered them as intruders and mere immigrants. An oral source revealed that this set of |Tiv settlers in Wukari LGA were also considered strangers and marginalized among other Tiv communities in Benue State, leaving them stranded in the middle of nowhere, thereby providing them with no other option than violence and insurgent killings of the Jukun to express their pain.

The continuous contention over land issues and boundary trespass claims is another issue that stands as the major cause of conflict between the Jukun and their perceived enemies. For instance, the Tiv and the Jukun are both predominantly farmers and understand the value of fertile land and its role in attaining economic power (Prabulraj, 2018). The Wukari land is considered a very rich and fertile land and as such cannot be resisted by any good farmer of crops or animals. Open gracing of animals like cows, pigs, sheep and goats in the region poses a serious threat to crop farming and farmer respectively. It is perceived as a deliberate act of frustrating and hindering progressive crop farming heritage and the major source of livelihood of the people.  Therefore anyone engaged in this kind of activity is considered a mean enemy that must be contended with and get rid of within the Jukun territory. Similarly, the record of Kamilu et al. (2012) on the rivalry relationship between crop farmers and herders is spelt out in the conflicting principles and practices of land use by both parties. Besides the regular experiences of their clash over water around water courses where farmers engage in irrigation farming for vegetables during the dry season and herder’s serious need to feed and water their cattle, these headers in recent times are found increasingly encroaching into farmlands during the farming season to feed on planted crops. This inevitably results in crop damage which is consistently frowned upon by the Jukun and considered a deliberate trespass and attack on them and their land space. As a result of this, there has been a consistent violent crisis between the Jukun farmers and the Fulani herdsmen. More relevant instances are the concurrent attacks on various communities of Wukari LGA from 2012 to date. The killing of farmers on their farmlands and outright attacks on villages resulted in the displacement of the indigenes by the herders and unknown bandits who consider the resistance of the farmers as sabotage to their right to pastures. The rigidity of the Jukun on the issues that concerns their land space and its use is built on the peoples’ view and philosophies that govern their sociocultural life. The perception of the Jukun according to an oral source about their land speaks volumes of their ancestral cultural heritage. To them, their land is their life and cultural evidence of their physical and spiritual prosperity and posterity, therefore any threat to the sustainability of these facts and beliefs is worth fighting with and if possible eliminated.

The Jukun environmental perception

As a phenomenon, African indigenous perception of the human environment and territories is formed by the shared sense of responsibility of man and other elements of nature within the land space they occupy. Across various world cultures, indigenous peoples often share cavernous socio-cultural and spiritual ties to their lands (that is their physical environment and its metaphysical engagements) and their subsistence which informs their prevailing occupations like farming, herding, fishing, mining, crafting, forage, hunting and so on as a heritage. This intimate relationship between the people and their land paces has to great extent shaped the perception of their immediate environment and subsequent emission of its direct or indirect impact on their relationship with one another through family ties, rituals, trade, music, festival and general celebrations (Garnett, et al. 2018 and Filho et al, 2021).

The Jukun believe they are stewards of their environment whose protection and care they are committed to.  In an interview with Elder Nuhu in 2019, he submitted that the Jukun are conscious of the power of the land and it must be trodden carefully with much respect, so when you see a Jukun man walk majestically at the centre of the road, it is an expression of the full confidence of his right and gratitude and honour to the ancestors who fought for the land as well as the powers that preserves it. The Jukun people’s relationships with their natural environment have the origin and expression in their religious beliefs, myths, folklores and folksongs, totems and taboos and so on. These cultural elements have been instrumental to the maintenance and sustainability of their cultural and natural heritage for many generations.

Plate 1: Authors’ interview session with Elder Nuhu. Source: Fieldwork, (2019).

Plate 2:  Jukun Cultural Procession.Source, fieldwork, (2021).

Certain animals, plants, stones and other elements of nature that have gone into extinction within the region are preserved by the Jukun because of the mythical attachment of the Jukun with them. A popular example of this is the Jukun myth about “The Crocodile”.  No Jukun man can kill or eat crocodiles the sight of any crocodile commands respect from the Jukun. A sacred pool and shrine are carved out for “The Crocodile” within the Wukari town with strict and limited access to it by non-devotes, non-indigenes and careless tourists.

Tosam, 2019 argued that the perception of each society about nature largely informs their disposition towards it and is very consequential to the enhancement or degradation of its environmental health. The Jukun conservative view of their environment and their symbiotic relationship with it through the various aspects of their cultural engagements including music has visibly reduced the devastating impact of climate change within their control. The therapeutic potential of some identified plants and animals has necessitated the need of the people to ensure their continuity within Jukun territories. Songs and stories are told about these elements of nature and the taboos attached to careless handling of such. Another angle to look at is the people’s effort in controlling and ensuring a healthy environment. In response to the notion that the forest is the hideout for bandits and enemies, displacement of some communities which has made available farmlands in the relatively safe area insufficient for farming is the advocacy of bringing the forest back home through gardening and tree planting activities by various households within the communities. These among other sociocultural mobilization by the indigenous people were musically presented.

The Jukun and Covid-19 Experiences

During the Covid-19 pandemic lockdown of the whole world, Wukari had double lockdown issues to deal with; the health issues of the pandemic and all that came with it, and the insurgent attack on its territories, especially the border villages like Kente, Rafin Kada, Sukundi and Wukari town. Although there was no significant record of Covid-19 among the Jukun, these indigenous communities and the LGA headquarters “Wukari town” was in a severe economic state with a heavy military presence. The people’s economic dependence on farming and food processing was impaired by the persistent attacks by the Tiv and bandit kidnappings as well as numerous reports of killings incidence that has as sent out some people of their ancestral homes into extreme poverty and devastating health conditions as a result of government insensitivity and cultural marginalization.

Also, music creation and performances were at their minimal level in the history of the Jukun as there was no room for any social gathering which is integral to the cultural engagements of the people. Only within households were songs and dances expressed.  These songs were either sung out of frustration, tiredness or anger, but they refresh the memories of the people of their homelands and foster the hope of restoration and strength to contend for what belongs to them, their “Heritage”. The integrated unpleasant impact of Covid-19 on the socio-political, economic and holistic wellbeing of the indigenous people of Wukari LGA forms an experience the Jukum may never forget in a hurry.

Music creation as a tool of contestation among the Jukun

Musical performances in African indigenous societies have been established as instruments of cultural mobilization and prosecution of war (Titus and Bello, 2012). The relevance of songs in actualizing self-rule and emphasizing cultural identity as well as resistance to cultural interferences cannot be overemphasized (Duru et al 2019).

The Jukun in pre and post covid 19, engage music as a functional tool for addressing peculiar issues of life. Apart from the socio-cultural ceremonies and rituals that pose music as their core element, the issue of war and rivalry is saturated with musical performances. The Jukun has a dance ensemble specially identified with this task. Ajo-Bwi as a dance ensemble in the Jukun communities of Wukari LGA is attributed to a particular Jukun clan, who is the exponent of the dance ensemble. During special cultural events, this group of musicians display the contempt of the Jukun against their adversaries. The dancers sing and dance to depict warfare, usually dressed in black shirts and trousers with red caps as a symbol of great anger, danger and bloodshed. The props of the performance are purely weapons of warfare like guns, swords, spares, slings, bows and arrows, knives, cutlasses and so on to accompany their dance, (Dauda, 2 017; Ekpo and Onyeji, 2021). Different kinds of rivalry and war songs are sung to mobilize for battle against their perceived enemies. Mostly, they perform within the town as a signal of uprising war, or to notify any sniffing enemy of attack. Some of the songs commonly sung by the group are ‘A bota’, ‘A ci jiji’ and “Anumyi ma wo”, these songs are considered to be relevant to this study and thus are critically analyzed using Fairclough’s Three-Dimensional Framework (Fairclough, 1992).

On the other hand, the “Ajo-Niku”, a farming song/dance are usually performed during the farming season, especially in the communal system of farming, where families and friends engage in rotational farming from one member’s farm to the other. This method enables the farmers to cultivate more portion of farm space and achieve better output during harvest. As a tradition, to motivate the people cultivating and planting on the farm, musicians are invited along with food and drink to lighten the stress on the workers by creating fun while working. These songs, apart from granting the workers joy and energy to do the work, also encourage the people to be empowered economically to enable them to protect their heritage from intruders.

Some of the commonly performed songs by the “Ajo-Niku” ensemble include: “Na ka mbo” and “Abuwa tsazai”.

Plate 3: Ajo-Bwi dance ensemble during a cultural festival performance. Source: Aku Uka Palace Archive 2017

Textual and functional analysis of musical examples

A BOTA

A bota pwacuu kuna gaci                                                                 If you are a man

Apa wari shu mmi baku                                                                    come out and face me

Abata akame ri tsaka baku                                                               I am around now

Ku patse na bande                                                                           come out and confront me

Ku dua apa wanishunu baku ba                                                      This is our father’s land                                        

Wakara aji bu yaki akani                                                                you cannot beat us here

Akani ri tsakai ba mu                                                                     Just come out and face me!

A CI JIJI

A ci jiji ya tapwa dia fin maa                                              A cricket when fully fed will bust out and die

I bya bua whhezo                                                            Our fathers welcome you and fed you

I bya bua kya whezo                                                           They gave you their daughter to you as wives

Ki bye jia ki wkA MAa wee                                                 They gave you plenty of children

I bya bua kya whezo                                                           now you want our land, impossible!

                                                                                            You will surely die like the cricket!

ANUMYI MA WO

Anumyi ma wo wuo jan m dan le ma hen’u zo             When the crocodile carries you on her back, what

ma ku ri bi tsau ke                                                               can the angry fish do to you

Anumyi wa kun fenkai m dan je ma hen’I zo                 When the crocodile that protects Wukari carries

ma ku ri bi tsai ke                                                            you on her back, what can the angry fish do to you

Anumyi wa kun byeuka ma aya                                        We are here boasting because the crocodile that

I we na kara I na gendi                                                       protects Wukari is here

Anmumyi wa kun byeuka ma jo ze bi ma                       What can the enemy do to us when the crocodile

 ku ri tsai ke                                                                          carries us on her back

Anumyi ma wou jan m dan je ma hen’u zo                    When the crocodile carries you on her

 ma ku ri bi tsa                                                                  back , what can the angry fish do to you?

NA KA MBO

Na ka mbo dodun ya na ne                                      Let us go to farm

Na ka mbo dodun ya na ne                                      Let us go to farm

Wo gbo                                                                    Do you understand?

Na ka  mbo dodun ya na ne                                     Let us go to farm

Na ka mbododun ya na ne                                       Let us go to farm

Wo gbo                                                                    Do you understand?

Mbya mbo na bi dodun ya na ne                             Hunger is coming; let us go to farm

Mbya mbo na bi dodun ya na ne                             Hunger is coming; let us go to farm

Wo gbo                                                                    Do you understand?

ABUWA TSAZAI

Abuwa tsazai yo m dan I ka tsaba ba fa                     We should not spoil the things that help us.

Abuwa tsazai yo I ma tsaba                                        How then can we succeed if spoil the

Fa bando I ri bi tsanni hun nu I bi ji chin                     things that help us?

Abuwa tsazai yo m dan I ka tsaba ba fa                      We should not cut down the trees

Abuwa tsazai yo m dan I ma taeee fa                          We should not cut down the trees

I ma tsaba jin jiji iri tsanni hunnu jiji ji chin                that provide us shade

Anwunu wa nghanwu ma m dan ni ka ge nya ba fa     It is no wisdom cutting them down

I ma ge nya jin I ri bi tsanni hunnu I byinbyin             We cannot succeed if we spoil them

Abuwa tsazai m dan I ka tsaba ba fa                             What shall we do when the sun hits

Abuwa tsazai m dan I ka tsaba ba fa                                     Where do we get shelter from the sun?

Anyunu ma tui ra I ri bi tsanni hunnu I du nwuni re    We should not spoil the things that help us

Tabular representation of Norman   Fairclough’s Three-Dimensional Model

Table 1

CONCLUSION

This study through ethnographic engagement and critical discourse analysis of the texts from the selected five Jukun songs using Fairclough’s Three-Dimensional Framework, gave an extensive presentation of the Jukun musical activities regarding the contestation and preservation of their cultural and physical space with reference to Covid-19 global pandemic. Two major traditional musical ensembles (Ajo-Bwi and Ajo-Niku) of the Jukun were considered for the study. The Pre and Post Covid-19 climatic and social crisis experiences of the Jukun were discussed along with their cultural responses to the various attacks of their rival cultures, these include music creation. The outcome of this study identified and present the two major musical ensembles through their song samples as effective tools for instigating and mobilizing communal involvement in the Pre and Post Covid-19 Jukun eco-cultural, socio-political and economic struggles. The authors recommend further research into the engagement of music in contending for cultural and natural space of endangered cultures like the Jukun across Africa and beyond.

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