Security Challenges and the Survival of Democracy in Nigeria: An Assessment of Niger East Senatorial District, Niger State

Security Challenges and the Survival of Democracy in Nigeria: An Assessment of Niger East Senatorial District, Niger State

¹Yahuza Danjuma Izom, PhD, ²Maichibi Haruna Joel PhD., And ³Luka NOMA

¹Department of Political Science, IBB University, Lapai

²Public Administration Department.

³Student, Political Science Department, IBBUL

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2023.7012157

Received: 18 December 2023; Accepted: 22 December 2023; Published: 22 January 2024

ABSTRACT

The study assessed security challenges in relation to survival of democracy in Nigeria with focus on Niger East Senatorial District. The methodology adopted for the study is descriptive research. The population of the study was drawn from nine local government areas that constituted the district with a population of 1,513,469 (NPC, 2006). Sample size of 380 was used and the sampling technique was simple random sampling technique. Questionnaire was used as the research instrument which was well structured in two parts. Part (A) is the biodata of the respondent and part (B) was on the subject matter of the research using four likert scale of grading. Method of data collection was basically primary and secondary sources. Theoretical framework of the research is fragile state models. Method of data analysis, the data collected from the field was subjected to tabulation, frequency and percentage. Chi-Square was applied in testing hypotheses. The findings revealed that serious security challenges existed, threatening the survival of democracy in Nigeria. The study has proven that there existed in the Niger East senatorial district Boko Haram, kidnapping, and Fulani Cattle Rustlers among others. It was recommended that government make plans for enough personnel to ensure the safety of the populace and for the need to address our diversity, our mistrust, work together and unite in purpose.

Key words: Insecurity, Democracy, Boko-Haram, Banditry, Kidnapping and Cattle Rustling

INTRODUCTION

Insecurity reached a new high in 1999, concurrent with Nigeria’s return to democracy. The crime wave escalated after a series of well-armed bank robberies in Nigerian commercial banks, when the perpetrators stole millions of naira in broad daylight while killing the security guards who were guarding the buildings and other victims. Commercial banks reacted rapidly to the Nigerian government’s lack of action in providing banks with security protection by constructing security doors to guard the bank’s entrance and its assets. The robber then made the decision to kidnapping.

Following the imposition of Sharia Law in the north part of the country in October 1999, the level of instability in the country grew once more. On October 27, 1999, in Gusau, the state capital of Zamfara state, Ahmed Sani Yarima, who was the state’s governor at the time, made the initial announcement. Among the states in this group are Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Borno, and Niger. This gave fervent Islamist groups a platform from which to openly spread their message. Several Islamic clergy fervently supported the wild preaching or extremism that gave rise to the terrorist organization Bok-Haram, led by Mall, Yusuf. Sharia, which drew significant ire and condemnation, especially from Christian organizations who insisted that it was a positive development, was widely criticized and denounced. Boko-Haram has already split into the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), banditry, Fulani headmen, Fulani livestock rustlers, Fulani kidnappers, and the freshly established Ansaru group from Kaduna State.

The story remains Kamia Allagia Greek word “no change”. Not much has changed in the northern areas of Nigeria, which remain adhere to Sharia law and are currently faced with significant security issues. The continual fear of kidnapping plagues residents of the states of Zamfara, Katsina, Niger, Borno, and Kaduna. It is true that the introduction of sharia law won’t promote the development of the aforementioned governments, diminish the prevalent sleaze in the area, or produce any socioeconomic advancement. This is due to the fact that school kidnapping is a common occurrence in the aforementioned states, which discourages children from spending as much time in class. But sharia law is to blame for the economic ruin of the nation and the area. It has not benefited the masses, the poor, or the underprivileged; rather, it has provided the elites with a political route to power.

The terrorist occupation of townships, cities, and villages throughout all of Nigeria is not an exception, nor is the Niger East Senatorial District in Niger State. The criminal activities of the terrorist group Boko Haram, livestock thieves, kidnappers, and bandits has resulted in the forced relocation of a number of towns in the Niger East Senatorial District. Their goods have been stolen, and their animals and products have been forcibly removed from them. People are routinely kidnapped and held captive for a hefty price, their homes are frequently wrecked, and their spouses are frequently tormented.

There is now much less security in the senatorial zone. The preservation of national security should be a top priority for any legitimate government. A nation’s security serves as a foundation for democracy and its ideals for the general public. The only problem that gives democratic governance a purpose and legitimacy is security. It acts as the democratic government’s all-encompassing protection in all other areas. All social ideals, political order, economic development, and social stability are built on a foundation of security. Democracy and security are strategically related because they place equal focus on the requirements of the individual. A democratic government’s primary purpose is to ensure the welfare and security of its populace.

Therefore, among other factors, a country’s security dynamics influence whether democracy will endure. Democracy and security are inextricably interwoven, and if democracy abandons its dedication to security, it abandons its fundamental principles. Potter (2000). However, Nigeria’s democratic climate has changed over time, becoming less accountable and less responsible as well as less competitive and responsible.

Elections serve as a basic control mechanism and practical strategy in democracies to maintain order during the process of leadership transition and succession. Every government receives political authority and legitimacy through elections. Elections have a big impact on how the public will is represented, how political reforms are carried out, and how a regime’s legitimacy is built in a democracy. Elections and the struggle for power, according to Julius (2017), are crucial because they provide the oppressed classes an opportunity to debate different ideologies. They thus mark an important development in the socialist movement’s effort to impose democratic authority in the spheres of socialism, economics, and politics. A well-defined, knowledgeable, talented, largely autonomous, unbiased, and competent electoral body must be established for elections to be effective.

Voter registration, election administration, political party creation, and the selection of candidates for elected public office, Election rules should govern the casting of ballots, the counting of ballots, and the declaration of election results, according to Jinadu (2007) and Adejumobi (2018). Election security is crucial, and the police will help in monitoring the results, which should be produced with mass media without any political interference. (Ukwu, 2016). Politicians can profit by the fact that people are more desperate when they are poor because they are not getting the benefits they anticipated in return for their support. As a result, they find it simple to deceive others by making promises they can never keep. Given how few individuals in Nigeria can live comfortably, poverty and unemployment also play a role in election-related violence, (Ukwu, 2016).

CONCEPTUAL ISSUES

Democracy

Democracy is rapidly spreading over the world as a result of its capacity to create the circumstances essential for efficient governance and wealth, (Ardo, 2000). The debate over which form of government is superior has come to an end with liberal democracy’s hegemonic ascent to become the last human government. Omotola, (2007) the tide of democratic change that swept over Nigeria was greatly influenced by pressure on the government from both internal and external forces. Due to this situation, when Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999 after sixteen years of military tyranny, many Nigerians cheered. This event was based in part on the belief that democracy promotes development (Jamo, 2010:2). Nigeria continues to lag behind in this area of human development, contrary to predictions. This is true even though Nigeria’s government has returned to democracy. Many people still doubt that development is possible in a democratic government due to the rising levels of insecurity, poverty, corruption, and unemployment despite the enormous military budget and rising revenue. However, the country’s borrowing and debt continue to grow.

Similar to this, Bardhan (2012) argued that there is no meaningful connection between democracy and growth;

Even in some of the richest democracies of the world while the enforcement of laws may be better and subject to less exploitation and arbitrariness than in emerging countries, the process of enactment of those laws is subject to an huge amount of influence peddling for contribution to campaign money and other perquisites for legislators. Over time this problem has got worse in most democracies, as elections have become frightfully expensive. When policies to be legislated are up for sale to the highest contributor to the campaign fund, development projects may not win out (the policy decision in the budget may go in favor of buying one more military air craft rather than 100 rural clinics), and it will not be much consolation to be told that the policies thus legislated will be implemented well by the bureaucracy and the court system under a democracy.

According to the aforementioned claim, democratic governments and the provision of social welfare services to the general population have a difficult relationship. In other words, democracy does not always effectively represent or promote the goals of the electorate. As they are known in developing countries like Nigeria, security votes are unaccounted funds that are bribed under the guise of defending allies. These funds are also referred to as security-related funds in emerging nations. Security votes are money meant for capital growths which are diverted. Security votes and defense spending that have developed into arguments in democracies of both developed and emerging nations. The concept of democracy has changed from what it was supposed to be because security votes in democratic systems of governance are not held accountable. Political candidates for reelection are able to take use of budgetary catch-catchalls like security votes. According to Mathew (2018), security votes in Nigeria are “Camouflaged Cash.”

Democracy would never endure in a tumultuous political atmosphere. In a society where everyone is armed, democracy cannot exist. As a result, there was a low voter turnout in the Niger East Senatorial District of Niger State in the 2019 local government elections as well as other elections. Dr. Babangida Aliyu, the former governor of Niger State, lamented the low voter turnout after casting his ballot in the Chanchaga local government area’s PU011, Umaru Musa Ward, Premium Times article from March. (2019). On November 30, 2019, Channels Television covered the Niger State Local Government Election, and they reported that:

State independent electoral commission personnel handed voting materials early, however voting did not start until 9:00 am, when people started to turn up. However, there were instances of vote-buying, ballot box theft, and other disruptive behaviors. The article claimed that the low voter turnout in the local government elections in Niger was due to grain harvesting.

These suggest that voters would rather go to farm than cast their ballots at polling unit. According to Premium Times March, 2019, there was a poor voter turnout in the local government elections in the Chanchaga, Bosso Shiroro, Rafi, and Paikoro local government areas. The lack of voter registration and turnout, which are crucial elements of a democratic process, best describes the poverty of democracy. Elections that end in violence invariably result when the majority of the population abstains from voting, giving the minority authority over the political process rather than the majority.

Democracy, which is based on the notion that everyone has a right to participate in the management of public affairs, calls for the existence of representative institutions at all levels, especially a Parliament composed of representatives from every sphere of society and endowed with the power and resources necessary to represent the will of the people by passing laws and directing government policy. Elections must be held frequently and fairly in order to ensure that the will of the people is expressed. All voters must be given the opportunity to select their representatives in a fair, transparent, and equal way in a climate that fosters political competition. These elections shall be by universal, equal, and secret ballot. To do this, it is crucial to uphold civil and political rights, especially those related to voting and holding public office, freedom of assembly and expression, access to information, and the ability to create political parties and engage in political activity. To maintain the legitimacy of the democratic processes, fair management of party organization, activity, finances, and ethics is necessary. Making sure that its citizens can exercise their civic, cultural, economic, political, and social rights is crucial for the State.

Therefore, democracy is about having a freely chosen, accountable government that runs the nation in an honest, efficient, and transparent manner. The democratic principle of public accountability applies to all public authorities at all levels, whether or not they are elected. The right of the public to learn about the actions of their government, to petition it, and to seek redress through fair administrative and legal channels is a key component of accountability. All elements of public life must be imbued with a sense of ethics and transparency, and proper norms and procedures must be established to uphold them. Every level of participation by people in democratic processes and public life must be subject to fair and impartial regulation.

Ibrahim (2011), cited by Evan (2016), a truly democratic society must separate its political authority from its economic power. Economic power should be under individual control, just as political power must be perceived to be. In Nigeria, there is debate about whether or not the political class is strongly influenced by the economy.  Why does political power in Nigeria’s democracy depend on economic strength?  Is it permissible to sell publicly accessible posts? The best answer to the aforementioned question came from Montesquieu.  The corruption of office was a widespread practice in Montesquieu’s day.  Most positions in the government were exchanged like commodities, (Richter, 1977). The direction Nigeria seems to be going in is reminiscent of Montesquieu’s.  One of the obvious reasons why economic power affects political power in contemporary Nigerian culture, especially in the Fourth Republic, may be the manner in which political seats are often marketed to the elite through what is referred to as stomach infrastructure.

Evan (2016), quoting Gabriel (2015), the phrase “process of giving gifts of foodstuffs to voters to vote in a particular direction” is used to describe stomach infrastructure. For instance, in order to influence voters during multiple Nigerian elections, brooms and other hideous and unpleasant items such as bags of rice, soap, key chains, seasoning sachets, and salt were distributed. These materials are distributed to voters throughout the electioneering campaign to persuade them to support a certain candidate. In the end, the candidate who distributed the most food supplies to voters—including sacks of rice, clothing, salt, and other things—won. However, a candidate with limited resources might protest or question the selection process. The stomach infrastructures of political parties and their politicians are used to woo voters. Political parties are platforms through which those representatives are elected periodically.

POLITICAL PARTY

Political parties are necessary for democracy to continue because representatives must be elected. A political party is a collection of like-minded people whose main objective is to stay in power. A group of people with similar political ideals or beliefs, a political party’s purpose is to control the government’s machinery and influence the creation of governmental policy by electing its members to high positions of power. Adigun (1999) asserts that a political party is a group of persons working toward the same overarching political aim, which is essentially the pursuit, capturing, and keeping of power for as long as democracy permits. Political parties perform several important responsibilities, including uniting citizen interests, forming governments, developing and promoting policy stances and programs, and selecting and developing political leadership (Carothers, 2006 and Deme, 2013). A political party is therefore a crucial tool in democratic government since it is the primary means of selecting or electing public representatives.

People who hold the same political beliefs come together to form political parties. Therefore, all political parties are founded on their respective ideologies. The Greek term “eidos,” which denotes what is perceived or imagined, is where the word “ideology” originates. It is a group of political ideas that are related to, influenced by, and supportive of one another from a political standpoint. ( Omotola, 2009 ).

 A political party without a distinct philosophy can be very detrimental in a democracy. Voters cannot make informed decisions regarding elections and the party’s candidates if political parties lack ideas, but involving the general public in politics is the best way to establish excellent administration. The Greek verb “kubernaein” which means to direct, is where the word “governance” originates, (Tamayao, 2014). Dozie (1999) defines governance as all the steps used to manage and carry out a people’s or group’s collective will under a clearly defined authority or constitution. The World Bank, (1989) defines governance as the control of a country’s social and economic resources. Governance is the umbrella term for all practices used to manage public affairs in everyone’s best interests. Good governance can be seen in the administration of public affairs and the management of public resources.

Political parties play a crucial role in strengthening Nigeria’s political system, which is necessary for good governance in all political systems. They continue to be important institutions that act as a link between the populace and the government, (Thomas, 2001). Thanks to the enviable platforms offered by political parties, politicians can run for office and win elections, (Omotola, 2010). Political parties primarily act as platforms for the expression of specific groups’ interests and as recruitment tools for new participants in the political process. For good administration to improve the social and economic well-being of the population, effective political leadership is necessary (Rotberg, 2014). Therefore, strong political leadership is needed to promote good administration. Enhancing the quality of governance requires a clear set of rules and commitment to them, just as specific political party functions help to achieve this development.

Political parties need to set a good example for their supporters by abiding by the rules. Additionally, political parties must put the right structures in place to ensure accountability, transparency, and to deter members from breaching the law, (Patz, 2013). At the moment, in Nigeria, commitment to party rules and discipline is more conceptual than behavioral. Political parties are so predisposed to playing significant roles in government, and how well they understand ideology is a key criterion for evaluating candidates for public office who support a given party program, (Dosumu, 2015).

Lack of a political philosophy has caused political parties in Nigeria to go through a crisis of contradiction throughout time, which is detrimental to national growth, cohesion, and rebirth, (Olanrewaju, 2015). Political parties with hazy political ideals have existed in the nation since its independence and have fallen short of the expectations of the people for a better Nigeria. Political systems with ideological political parties have the power to unite diverse regions while stifling nationalism and ethnicity.

In general, effective governance is characterized by a tendency to respect every member of society in accordance with established norms and a lack of prejudice. The law should apply to everyone in society, regardless of wealth or poverty. All citizens should have unrestricted access to justice, regardless of their social status, race, or sexual preference, and the judiciary’s function as an arbiter should be to interpret the law impartially, independently, and in a timely manner (Arowolo and Aluko, 2012). In order to ensure fairness, equity, justice, and transparency—all of which guarantee peace and harmonious relationships between the political actors, behavior needs to be controlled, coordinated, shaped, and brought into compliance with the law (Arowolo and Lawal, 2010). Effective government in Nigeria is threatened by problems related to poverty politics and politics of poverty. Rich political figures in Nigeria prey on the underdeveloped and unhappy minds of the disadvantaged in order to win elections. Because politics has become so commercialized, an average, honest Nigerian cannot afford its expensive prices. Therefore, by taking funds meant for development, politics becomes a tool of maintaining poverty. Poor leadership and the encouraging of personal enrichment at the price of national interests in Nigeria seriously undermine efforts to achieve effective government, (Arowolo and Aluko, 2012).

ELECTION

Each political party wants to gain support from voters and win elections. Alikpi 2004), elections are a barometer of the political system’s stability, legitimacy, and maturity. It is frequently viewed as the only variable that truly matters in establishing the presence or absence of democratic rule.

Elections are essential to the idea and practice of democracy everywhere in the world. Because of this, the way elections are managed by any organization is crucial to the electoral process and, indirectly, to the development of democracy in any particular country. The election process “involves competition among the various political parties, each of which competes for the electorate’s votes, which are expressed through the ballot box,” Schumpeter (1975). Odoziobodo (2013).asserts that, “if the electoral process involves competition, the implication is that there must be an umpire.”

It can be concluded from the foregoing that a state’s or a nation’s election practices reflect a lot about the state’s level of political development. Due to the inconclusive elections, ballot box snatching, ballot paper snatching, ballot box stuffing, and the repeated postponements of elections by the electoral body, Independent National Electoral Commission, without justifiable explanations, it is obvious that Nigeria has not attained the maturity, health, legitimacy, and stability of democratic governance.

In locations with such high levels of insecurity as the Niger East Senatorial District of Niger State, where many of these areas have been seized by terrorists, elections can barely be held. Participation in politics would be outlawed for these groups. They won’t be heard by voting. They would select leaders rather than elect them. Rather than the group as a whole, a select few or an elite group would choose its leader. All of their rights under the constitution would have been forfeited.

Voter attendance has decreased in Nigeria (Omotola 2009; Adebayo and Omotola 2007). The 2007 election is generally thought to have been the worst in Nigerian electoral history. Approximately 58% of the 61,567,517 registered voters cast ballots in the election. The inherent flaws can be attributed particularly to the electoral law (Aiyede 2007), the election administration body, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) (Agbaje and Adejumobi 2006), political parties and related issues like electoral violence and corruption, as well as the nation’s low level of political education and mobilization, are among the causes of the country’s low turnout (Omotola 2010). Rule of law difficulties are another issue that has made it difficult for individuals to vote. Our leaders acted as though they were in command and above all other forms of power. On November 10, 2022, Niger State held local government elections. Because the rule of law was not being upheld, different political parties were not allowed to run, which contributed to the poor attendance. But the absence of democratic benefits, such as the delivery of social amenities pledged during campaigns, a high crime rate, anarchy, and insecurity, have resulted in violence, a lack of political engagement, and the transformation of the nation into a hotbed of instability.

INSECURITY

The rise of terrorism after Nigeria’s restoration to democratic governance in 1999 has added to the country’s mounting sense of unease (Ali, 2013).

The type of insecurity in Nigeria, Agomuo (2013), is as follows:

At various points in time, these many factions have already held the nation of Nigeria ransom. During each of these times when the gangs were in power, the nation’s security agencies were unable to deal with them or stop their illegal activities with more powerful weapons. The government has consistently reached a consensus with these factions. Every time the government struck a deal with one of these criminal groups, the government became weaker and new criminal groups started to emerge that forcibly demanded obligations from the government. Like the current situation in the Niger Delta, where ex-militants have been converted into high-ranking government contractors, on-the-fly crude oil refiners in the creeks, or kidnap dealers despite an amnesty program that still costs the government billions of Naira every year. This is typical behavior for a country with a rent-based economy.

There are many different kinds of insecurity in Nigeria, and each geographic zone has unique security concerns. For instance, kidnapping is common throughout the South-West geopolitical zone, particularly in the cities of Ibada, Abeokuta, Akure, and Lagos; it is also widespread throughout the South-South and Southeast, the nation’s oil base, with victims of all ages and from all socioeconomic backgrounds; and in the North, where Boko Haram is on the rise and there have recently been incidents of Fulani cattle thieves and Fulani kidnappings. Nigerians have been troubled by the threat posed by Boko Haram for a long. Since they started happening in Nigeria’s Borno State up until the present, violent attacks targeting Christian churches, police, a few mosques, military posts, western-style educational institutions with innocent students, and even children, have killed over an estimated 35,000 people. 3,500 children are said to have been recruited as child soldiers by armed groups in northeastern Nigeria between 2013 and 2017 according to United Nation (UN). To Hawkins Wright’s research, armed groups in Nigeria’s north central and northwest abducted 1,436 students, 17 instructors, and killed 564 others between 2021 and 2022. Many Nigerian youngsters, especially females, have given up on their education as a result of this situation.

Poverty and unemployment are significant causes of insecurity and violent crimes in Nigeria, particularly among young people, Adagba (2012). A major contributor to Nigeria’s growth in violent conflict is youth unemployment. When oil and gas exports are taken into account, Oshomole (2006), cited by Wawoli and Ango (2010), stated that

Our country is characterized by a high incidence of poverty, an unemployment rate that has been variously estimated at between 15 and 25 percent, low incomes even in comparison with our less affluent African neighbors, and a receding role in the global economy.

In Nigeria, it is now everyone’s job to maintain security. Many Nigerian governors have fought for the right to self-defense because the federal government does nothing to ensure the safety of its citizens. As a result of the government’s failure to provide protection, civil security organizations such as Yanbanga, Yan-sakai, Vigilante Abidoka, Amoteke, and others provide security to Nigerian citizens. The Police, Army, Nigeria Civil Defense Corps, and other government security organizations in Nigeria have not upheld their duties to protect and secure citizens’ lives and property. The civilian joint task force, Yanbanga, and Amoteke have acquired the public’s trust as the primary security providers rather than the government security services, in spite of massive security votes and military spending.

In Nigeria, security votes—financial back boxes used by candidates for office and reelection—have a history of being abused by governors and other political figures. By the constitution or any other rule of the nation, security votes, which have evolved into a channel for governors and political office holders to drain public cash, are left uncovered. Mathew (2018) refers to security votes in Nigeria as “Camouflaged Cash.” Governors and political office holders have funded or established conflict entrepreneurs and merchants in order to enhance insecurity in their own states. Impermeable discretionary accounts commonly referred to as “slush funds,” used for security votes carry out a number of overlapping functions. (Matthew 2018; he added the following details).

1. lawful; subsidize the expenditures of the armed forces, police, and other security agencies, frequently as a result of financial embezzlement or withholding from such organizations;
2. illegitimate; promote and aid non-state security actors (such as local militias, volunteers in their 20s, and vigilantes);
3. public funds should be used to pay for political patronage networks, party coffers, or election costs such campaigns, vote-buying, rigging, hiring thugs, and post-election lawsuits;
4. Senior government officials, civil servants, and security personnel all gain personally.

The use of security votes by the governors is not reliably checked by the state legislatures. They frequently resort to rubber stamping because of the influence of newly elected legislators, financial incentives from the legislators, and their reliance on the governor’s political and financial favors. The governor does not inform lawmakers about prior use of the funds, and the state auditor general does not review expenditures made from security vote funds. They have therefore turned our security issue into a popular tourist destination. Instead of attempting to prevent it from happening, they enjoy it and go to the victims to express their pity and empathy. They will donate the swindled security votes and provide the victims with the meager food supplies.

The negligence  and the poor attitude  to our  security lead to the attacked of Kaduna-Abuja train Despite security alerts warning of impending attacks on the Nigerian Railway Track from Kaduna to Abuja, neither they nor the federal government paid attention until the train was attacked on March 29, 2022, resulting in the loss of several lives and significant property.

The security votes are a discretionary fund that the president, governors, and chairman or administrator of local governments can use for security-related issues and security provision. Nevertheless, despite the enormous sums that the president, governors, and local government administrators declared for security provisions, the government security agencies continued to complain about inadequate security equipment provision or are ill-equipped. As a result, the Nigerian masses are caught between who to believe or having confidence in both the government and its security agencies in the security provision. Duerksen (2021) asserted his belief that

In its pursuit the government and people of Borno state commonly feel caught between Islamist terrorists and the Nigerian Army and are accused by both of supporting the opposing side because the military has been accused of razing certain civilian communities in its quest for these militants rather than safeguarding them.

Given the massive budget for public health, education, agriculture, and the provision of essential service area channel to security votes, it is obvious that our insecurity challenges will never come to end. The leaders in charge of security votes will never allow the security vote’s account or the camouflage cash to become to an empty. The people of Niger East Senatorial district owe to the attitudes of the government security personnel and their non-respond, violent manner, and non-presence in the affected communities, have created variance between the government security personnel and the people of affected community. Duerksen (2021) has it that “police and military ferocity against civilians are obstinately impediment to sustainable peace in Nigeria”. As a result, the communities have turned to Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) for security and protection of lives and properties in their respective communities.

Duerksen (2021) opined that;

Another recurring challenge seen across multiple security contexts is the need to endure a security presence in outlying areas. Nigerian security forces have frequently been able to clear militants’ groups from territory they have held, be it Boko-Haram, criminal groups, or pirates and armed gangs in Nigeria. However, the inability to sustain a security presence creates a security vacuum that has enabled those militants group to reform and revive their destructive activities. Communities that are caught up the middle of these shifting security frontlines are left in a vulnerable position.

Nweke (1988), national security conceptualized in terms of national survival is an illusion because it is a false perception of Nigeria’s reality and is used by the ruling class as a good, straightforward idea for deceiving the populace into believing that government policies in this area constitute acts designed to truly protect them from starvation, disease, unfair treatment, and breaches of human dignity and life. Adeleke (2013), insecurity in Nigeria has resulted in the loss of lives, property, and equipment, as well as to relocations and business closures. This has been supported by the ongoing murders and abductions carried out in Kaduna, Katsina, Niger, Borno and Zamfara states by Bok-Haram, bandits, and Fulani herdsmen. Nigeria has a low security rating from the Global Peace Index (2012), suggesting that Nigeria represents a dangerous place to live.

Kidnapping and terrorism, Gwom (2011), are signs that official authority is ineffective and that the system of checks and balances in place in society is not working. To achieve the aforementioned, government must increase measures to protect people’s lives and property, as well as improve its economic strategy and stop depending on the leased economy.

Theoretical Framework

The fragile state models serve as the foundation for this inquiry. Some of the related theories have been created by academics such Di. John, (2010), Mwangi (2010), Starr (2009), and Rotberg. (2003). The basic tenet of the fragile state theory is that if left unchecked, protracted instability or crises in any state structure or institution of society brought on by ethnic tensions, the exploitation of public resources by the wealthy and powerful, the failure of social policies, or undemocratic regimes can leave the state vulnerable to further manipulation of its vulnerabilities by both internal and external forces. Understanding state fragility therefore requires understanding the ongoing erosion of a governmental institution or the fundamental tenets of society.

The theory additional holds that when a state lacks the physical ability to adapt or the moral authority to institutionalize law and order for the peaceful coexistence of its units or components, as well as to resolve a perceived socio-political crisis in a key state organ or region, it becomes defenseless or vulnerable to major conflict escalators who take advantage of such a situation for political and economic gain. This condition not only upsets sociopolitical order but also provides opportunity for conflict traders and businessmen to build hives in these communities, states, and regions.

METHODOLOGY

This study adopted the descriptive method which has to do with qualitative and quantitative sources of data collection. The method of data analysis was the use of percentage and chi-square in testing the hypotheses. The study used simple random sampling technique after the population was identified and sampling size was worked out through the use of Morgan and Krejcie (1970). Well structured questionnaires which were drafted into two sections; section (A) biodata and Section (B) the subject matter were distributed to the target population of the study. The questionnaire was formulated using four likert scale of grading. The research postulated the following research questions and hypotheses: What is the nature of insecurity in the Niger East senatorial District of Niger State and its effect? What are the challenges confronting of the government to mitigate and delimitate insecurity in Niger State senatorial district. There is no significant relationship between insecurity in Niger East senatorial district and the survival of democracy in Nigeria and there is no significant relationship between challenges of the government in Niger East senatorial district and the survival of democracy in Nigeria and

Test of Research Hypothesis

Hypothesis one

H1: There is no significant relationship between the challenges of the people of Niger East senatorial district and the survival of democracy in Nigeria.

To test the hypothesis Table 4.4 is employed

Source: Field survey, 2022.

In the above table, the figures without bracket represent the observed frequency (0), while those in bracket represent the expected frequency (E). We shall apply the chi-square method to test the above hypothesis. The chi-square formula is written below

X² = =∑(O-E)² /E

To get the chi-square table value (Xf²) we first calculate the degree of freedom (df) which is (c-1) (r-1)

That is (df) =(c-1) (r-1)

(3-1) (-1)=(2) (2) = 4 at a decision criterion of 5%

Level of significance 5% = 0.05

Chi-square from table = 9.49

Chi-square calculated = 0.60

Decision: the decision rule states that if chi-square calculated is greater than chi-square from table (X² Cal>Xf²) accept the alternative hypothesis and vis-vasa. The above test indicates that X² Cal –Xf i.e. chi-square calculated is less than the table value we therefore accept the hypothesis because the result suggest that there is no significant relationship between the challenges of the people of Niger East senatorial district and the survival of democracy in Nigeria.

Hypothesis two

H2: There is no significant relationship between insecurity in Niger East senatorial district and the survival of democracy in Nigeria.

To test the hypothesis Table 4.5 is employed

Source: Field survey, 2022.

In the above table the figures without bracket represent the observed frequency (0), while those in bracket represent the expected frequency (E). We shall apply the chi-square method to test the above hypothesis. The chi-square formula is written below;

X² = =∑(O-E)²/E

Using the chi-square method we arrive at the following conclusion

To get the chi-square table value (Xf²) we first calculate the degree of freedom (df) which is (c-1) (r-1)

That is (df) =(c-1)(r-1)

(3-1) (-1)=(2) (2) = 4 at a decision criterion of 5%

Level of significance 5% = 0.05

Chi-square from table = 6=12.59

Chi-square calculated = 6.48

Decision: the decision rule states that if chi-square calculated is greater than chi-square table (X² Cal>Xf²) reject the null hypothesis and accept the alternative hypothesis and vis-vasa.  Since the above test indicates that X² Cal –Xf i.e. chi-square calculated is less than the table value we therefore accept the hypothesis because the result suggest that there is no significant relationship between insecurity in Niger East senatorial district and the survival of democracy in Nigeria.

CONCLUSION

Democracy is based on a few guiding ideals, such as the following: never put yourself in danger, broad involvement, well-established organizations, everyone’s right, freely held elections, an impartial judicial system, separation of powers, openness, and accountability. The absence of the aforementioned elements makes the political environment unstable and prone to anarchy, as Nigeria’s democracy has done. Our democratic government is not people-oriented or -centered, contrary to the idea that democracy is a government of the people. We were left with the following question after reading the definition above: “Who are the people?” The Greek word “people” refers to the underprivileged, the majority, or the huge group. The elite continue to support Nigeria’s democracy, nonetheless. The elite and those in positions of authority have turned our security issues into a tourism issue; rather than provide a long-term solutions to the public’s sense of insecurity in the country; they choose to pay the population a sympathy, empathy, and condolence visit.

On a global scale, democracy has been the preferred system of government. Due to the degree of vulnerability and the cost of defense, democracy is, however, the most transparent and expensive system of government. Industrialized countries, which have long stabilized in a democratic system of governance, cause crises in developing countries by using it as a means of plundering billions in the pretense of providing security to allies. This means that even in countries where democracy has settled, the story still only involves a single military vehicle or vessel. In other words, public funds are currently being accessible through international defense spending.

Findings reveal that the administration has declined to send adequate security agents to the affected villages and localities despite the urgent need for protection of lives and property there. The study also demonstrated that today’s responsibility for safeguarding persons and property falls to those without access to weapons or security training.

RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Three factors influence a country’s decision to be a federation; political, socioeconomic, and security. Nigeria has reached its potential, notwithstanding assertions from numerous scholars that the Amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914 had a weak foundation. But controlling and addressing our variety, mistrust, and disagreements, as well as uniting for a shared objective, were things that were only required after the amalgamation. It is definitely a blessing to live in a country with so many natural riches and a human capital made up of ethnic groups with diverse cultural and tribes.
2. Security is of the utmost significance and is directly linked to democracy because it is every government’s primary concern. Therefore, the government should place a high focus on ensuring the protection of both public and private property.
3. The government quickly dispatched security agents to other impacted communities. The Civilian Joint Task Force and the government ought to collaborate closely. They do this in order to better understand the afflicted populations.
4. Any competent government’s top priorities are the provision of security and matters related to security. The government must respond quickly to address the affected areas and make plans for enough staff to ensure public safety.
5. Nigerians are overly concerned about security. Urban regions are where the majority of our military installations, barracks, police stations, and other security organizations are located. Fulani livestock rustlers and other criminals can now enter rural regions as a result. Decentralizing the Nigerian government’s security strategy to the countryside would be wise. It will also encourage rapid development.
6. The government should acquit or merge the CJTF into other security agencies rather than firing them as it has acknowledged the CJTF to provide security for the citizens and inhabitants of Niger East senatorial district. This is true even when peace returns to the afflicted towns. The measure will boost security since the layoff will have more negative effects than positive ones.
7. Nigeria should follow Israel’s lead and require all graduates to serve in the military, given the level of insecurity in the country. This will bring “everyone is trained security personnel,” as they say in Israel. If carried out, this will maximize the number of staff on duty and lower the cost of protection.
8. Nigeria is a huge country with 36 states in its federation, 212 million people, and a landmass of 923,768 km2. It thus serves as an example of Nigeria’s size and the need for a decentralized or power-devolutionary form of government. In contrast, devolution refers to the “transfer of power to local government geographic units outside the central government’s command structure.” This would guarantee peace and tolerance for difference.
9. The legal system is the foundation of democracy and the temple of justice. It guarantees the rule of law. Conflicts and violence start to happen when there are deficiencies in the judiciary in specific locations. Nigerian court rulings are contradictory and conflicting with one another. Make sure that our court system is unbiased, independent, well-equipped, open to everyone, and free from conflicting orders and verdicts if we want to establish a robust, dependable, crime- and violence-free democracy.
10. It is obvious that we need to address the issue of security votes, which have evolved into a means for Nigerian politicians and governors to divert funds meant for capital projects.

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