The Impact of Discrimination Against Minority Tribes in Somalia

The Impact of Discrimination Against Minority Tribes in Somalia

Prof. Dr. Mim Kamel Öke And Siham Abdullahi Farah

Istanbul Commerce University Graduate School of Social Science Department of International Relations And African Studies

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.807191

Received: 07 July 2024; Accepted: 19 July 2024; Published: 16 August 2024

ABSTRACT

The study is based on the impact of discrimination against minority tribes in Somalia. The study used sequential exploratory study utilized quantitative and qualitative data to comprehensively examine discrimination faced by minority tribes in Somalia. A total of 300 participants completed surveys on discrimination forms and impacts. Additionally, 20 in-depth interviews and four focus groups generated qualitative insights into experiences, community effects, and recommended solutions.

Quantitative analyses revealed discrimination prominent in employment (31.7%), government services (23.7%), and other domains. Negative mental health, physical health, socioeconomic, and intergenerational impacts were reported. Qualitative themes emerged around identity concealment, appearance-based prejudice, occupation discrimination, education barriers, and workplace mistreatment. Discrimination influenced social valuation, relationships, opportunities and isolation. Historical clan divisions continued influencing modern spheres.

Community suggestions centered on awareness campaigns, reconciliation, education reform, victim support, impartial rule of law emphasizing rights, participation, representation, media inclusion and security. Discrimination denoted a far-reaching reality impairing wellbeing. Both data subsets highlighted discrimination as multidimensional necessitating coordinated, participatory remedies.

Non-normal distributions required non-parametric analyses. Discrimination emerged as a challenge exacerbated by prolonged inequity requiring long-term, grassroots solutions. Providing minority narratives and recommendations advanced empowerment and policy formation for inclusive development. Future collaborative research applying participatory methodologies promises improved comprehension overcoming insider-outsider dynamics. This contextualized, participatory exploration facilitated strengthened understanding and advocacy against marginalization in Somalia.

Keywords: Discrimination, Marginalization, Minorities.

INTRODUCTION

The study is based on understanding discrimination against minority tribes in Somalia and the study will utilize sequential exploratory mixed-methods. Discrimination against minority tribes is a pervasive issue in Somalia, impacting social cohesion and community dynamics. Despite the recognition of this problem, there is a significant gap in understanding the experiences and contributors to discrimination within these communities. The study is centred on Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia, which is home to various tribes, including both dominant and minority tribes in Somalia. While tribes are scattered throughout Somalia, there are minority and dominant tribes in practically every area, (Besteman, 2014). After collapse of the central government in 1991, “the country fracture into territories controlled by various warlords, clan militias and extremist groups” (Hill, 2010).

During the civil war, the fight for power and governance between tribes created mistrust and divided the country”. The 1990s witnessed a series of over 10 peace conferences aimed at resolving Somalia’s persistent conflicts, yet these endeavors remained largely futile. A glimmer of hope emerged from the Djibouti peace conference in 2000, igniting international optimism as it produced a comprehensive three-year governance plan for Somalia (Williams, 2018).  This blueprint birthed the Transitional National Assembly, a body representing diverse clans, which later culminated in the establishment of the Transitional National Government (TNG) that same year. Despite its inception, the TNG encountered vehement opposition and struggled to assert its authority, unable to wield effective governance (Mohamoud, 2015).

Subsequently, Somalia transitioned to a federal parliamentary republic, comprising five state members under the umbrella of the federal government: Puntland, Galmudug, Hir-shabeele, Konfur-Galbeed, and Jubbaland. However, Somaliland stands as a separate entity, considering itself an independent nation detached from the federal government of Somalia (Prunier, 2021).  Across these states, a power-sharing system prevails, rooted in tribal affiliations known as the 4.5 formula, which designates four major tribes and allocates the remaining fraction to encompass minority tribes from all regions of Somalia. The four major tribes in Somalia Darod, Hawiye, Isaaq and Dir – sought to dominate political and administrative positions which marginalized smaller clans (Ahmed, 2018).

The study is based on southern Somalia especially Mogadishu the capital city. The majority tribe of Mogadishu is Hawiye clan specially Abgaal sub-clan of Hawiye. This clan abgaal is a sub-clan of the Hawiye and it is one of the major Somali clans and has produced many prominent historical Somali figures including 3 presidents, and the father of the Somali military, (Deforche, 2014).  Somalia’s ethnic minorities include the Bantu, Benadiri (or Reer Xamar), as well as the Asharaf and Bravanese, who are based in Southern Somalia, (Osman, 2021). So, It identifies the Somali Bantu as one such minority group, estimated to constitute around 5% of Somalia’s population. However, the notion of the ‘Somali Bantu’ which they take for granted never existed prior to 1991″ and was actually an “inadvertent creation of the international community” (Menkhaus, 2003).

Traditionally portrayed as an ethnically homogenous nation, Somalia is in fact highly diverse, with marginalized groups making up an estimated 5-10% of the population. While the central government collapsed in 1991, minority communities had long been disadvantaged within the social hierarchy dominated by powerful Somali clans (Menkhaus, 2003). Into the 1980s and 1990s, the Somali Bantu faced land dispossession, forced labor, as well as violence, looting and abuse during the civil war at the hands of militia from stronger clans, (Hoehne, 2015). Amidst these circumstances, minority tribes represent some of the most marginalized populations, facing disproportionate risks of discrimination, violations of rights and barriers to equal opportunities. The main question of the study is how is discrimination experienced and impacting Somalia’s minority tribes.

LITERATURE REVIEW OF THE STUDY

This study applies social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and intergroup contact theory (Pettigrew, 1998; Christ, & Kauff, 2019 and Pettigrew, 2021).  An individual’s sense of self-worth is bolstered by their strong ties to their in-group, according to Tajfel and Turner’s (1979) social identity theory. Racially and ethnically minoritized people face several forms of discrimination that make them more likely to isolate themselves and avoid social situations. An attempt to provide a thorough definition of bias is part of the purview of this examination. Discrimination occurs when an individual is subjected to unfair treatment or prejudice based on their ethnicity, gender, age, religion, physical appearance, or sexual orientation, among other identifiable groups or qualities (Moreau, 2010).  Discrimination often leads to the unjust treatment of some groups based on prejudices related to their race, gender, religion, or ethnicity. Discrimination arises when a certain group is deprived of the opportunity to acquire resources that another group is able to enjoy (Arneson, 2006).

Discrimination in Somalia spans various facets, significantly impacting social, economic, and political spheres. Historical and ongoing, tribal prejudice shapes social dynamics and keeps divides alive. Disparities in treatment, uneven distribution of resources, and restricted political participation along tribal lines have their origins in long-standing disputes and inequalities based on clans (Webersik, et al., 2018). According to Laitin (1977), women face enormous difficulties, if not impossible hurdles, in advancing in their careers, taking on leadership positions, and furthering their education due to systemic prejudice and other forms of chronic gender-based discrimination. Prejudice is pervasive in Somalia, which contributes to the exclusion and marginalization of religious and ethnic minorities from social and political institutions. Husain (2008) suggests that these people’s persistent poverty and marginalization stem from the fact that they are underrepresented in government and have a hard time getting the help they need. In addition, refugees now living inside Somalia’s borders consistently face different types of animosity. Because of their precarious legal situation, refugees face barriers to basic services, job opportunities, and social integration (Webersik et al., 2018).

There is a long and troubled history of discrimination against Somalia’s minority groups. According to Luling (1984) and Lewis (1998), Somali society has always been stratified, with certain groups holding lower social rank in comparison to the main clans that engage in pastoral nomadism. These marginalized groups include occupational castes like the Midgaan, Tumaal and Yibir, who worked in professions like hunting, tanning and blacksmithing (Luling, 1984). They were considered “outcasts” or “low-born” by other Somalis and prohibited from intermarrying with them.

Factors Driving Discrimination Against Minorities in Somalia

There are several factors that have driven discrimination against minorities in Somali society. One of the key factors is the domination of politics and economics by the four major clans referred to as “nobles” – the Hawiye, Darod, Dir and Rahanweyn (Hill, 2010). The over-arching powers of these major clans have cast a long shadow over the rights of minorities. Another factor is the myth of Somali homogeneity. As Hill, (2010) points out, the report aims to challenge the misconception that Somalia is a homogeneous pastoralist society, when in reality it is plural and heterogeneous. However, the major clans have dominated perceptions. Historically, the Bantu minority group were traditionally subjugated through the Arab slave trade, often becoming victims of land grabs (Hill, 2010). More recently in the 1990s, the Benadiri minority on the coast had their lands pillaged by warlords’ forces, with rape used as a weapon of war against them (Hill, 2010).

Occupational minority groups like the Midgan have faced a traditional lack of official protection and discrimination, regarded as among the lowest social strata. Religious minority groups such as Christians also face persecution, especially by Al-Shabaab in south-central regions advocating Sharia law (Hill, 2010). While progress has been made in Somaliland, minorities in Puntland regularly suffer internal displacement and lack justice, while the conflict in south-central Somalia exposes minorities to widespread human rights abuses (Hill, 2010). A representative of an international organization presents in Southern Somalia indicated that the weaker clans and minority groups are now worse off due to the general deterioration of security and increase in violence (Danish, 2004). Minority groups, such as the Bajuni people, face particular security and human rights issues according to (Danish, 2004).

According to (Bjork, 2016), finds that minority participation in the local economy of Mogadishu tends to be limited. This implies economic marginalization along ethnic or clan lines. Also, the power asymmetries between stronger and weaker clans, ethnic/linguistic differences, political conflicts, and unequal access to resources and services are key factors as drivers of discrimination affecting human rights in Central and Southern Somalia (Bjork, 2016; Hoehne, 2014; and Kusow, and Eno 2015).

Assessment of Impacts on Minority Communities in Somalia

Somali society is divided into “noble” dominant pastoralist clans and “inferior” minority groups, regardless of livelihood (Ekman, 2021).  Land appropriation and economic domination by dominant clans have seriously disadvantaged minorities. For instance, the Bantu lost agricultural lands that were redistributed politically or developed into projects benefiting other clans (De Waal, 2017). Economic participation and opportunities are tightly controlled by dominant clans, deliberately excluding minorities. Minorities are restricted to low-paid work while dominant clans control key sectors, jobs, commerce and ports (Musau, 2013). Lack of remittances has compounded minorities’ vulnerability due to weaker external support networks. These factors entrench intergenerational poverty cycles among minorities (Hammond, 2014).

Armed conflict drastically worsened conditions and also some groups like the Galgala faced brutal reprisals including killings stemming from past political manipulation (Gebrewold, 2017). Violence, looting, rape and land grabs displaced many minorities (Jaspars, & Maxwell, 2008). Lingering insecurity in some areas like Middle Shabelle continues limiting minorities’ security and access to services (Keating, & Waldman 2019). Vulnerabilities persist among returning refugees lacking reconstruction support. While some Bajuni and northern minorities returned from camps, they received minimal assistance to rebuild livelihoods or access basic needs (Horst, 2007).  Ongoing poverty, limited work opportunities, poor shelters and sanitation plague returnee settlements (Avis, & Herbert, 2016).

Minority Rights Group International (2014) reported hate speech and attacks targeting minority communities based on their appearance and customs. According to (US State Department 2017) also mentioned discrimination faced by minority groups in employment, judicial proceedings and access to services. According to (US State Department 2017) report provide information on human rights abuses against groups like the Bantu, Benadiri and Midgan. Within Somalia, displaced minority communities settled on the outskirts of major cities in impoverished squatter settlements lacking adequate access to basic services. They continued to face barriers to land ownership, political participation and employment opportunities. Minority women and girls were at especially high risk of sexual and gender-based violence with little legal recourse (Bakonyi, & Chonka, 2023).

Related Empirical Study

Hill, (2010) examines the educational access and discrimination against minority tribes in Somaliland. The results showed significantly lower enrolment rates among minority tribe students at both primary and secondary levels compared to students from dominant clans. Bjork, (2016), perceptions of discrimination against Somali Bantus in Somalia. A survey was conducted with 25 Somali Bantus who resettled in a major U.S. city from 2009-2011. The survey found high rates of reported discrimination. Most participants indicated they faced legal discrimination in Somalia and were excluded from many economic and political opportunities. The results provide empirical data to support the narratives of injustice and oppression that Somali Bantu community leaders promote.

United Nation (2002), a Study on Minorities in Somalia and this study utilized both qualitative and quantitative methods to assess the socio-economic conditions of minority groups in Somalia. The study found high levels of social, economic, and political exclusion of minorities. Minority lands were confiscated in areas like Jilib and Jamame under the guise of development projects (United Nation 2002). This study demonstrated that the Somali minority faced significant socioeconomic disparities due to entrenched social exclusion and notions of clan supremacy among the majority clans.

SOMRAF (2010), an empirical study on rape cases against minority groups in Puntland, Somalia. The study utilizes quantitative and qualitative data collected through interviews with women from minority groups in internally displaced person (IDP) camps and communities in Bossasso, Puntland. The study found that rape was reported to occur frequently, with at least two cases per week reported in the IDP camps alone. Perpetrators were found to primarily be armed gunmen and police officers.

Majority clans and minority groups in south and central Somalia, this study was found in Home office UK, (Independent Advisory Group on Country Information. 2017). Their study relies on a variety of sources including reports from the US State Department, United Nations, European Asylum Support Office, and non-governmental organizations. Sources include country reports, fact-finding mission reports, empirical studies, and data collected from interviews with local stakeholders in Somalia/region.

Pham (2011) discusses the primacy of clan descent in Somali legitimacy but also notes other unifying forces like language, culture and religion. He analyzes the failure of the Transitional Federal Government to gain legitimacy and traction outside Mogadishu due to lack of clan support. Stevenson (2010) provides further context on clan divisions and the debate between unitary vs federal structures in Somalia. He acknowledges Islam’s constrained role due to the dominance of clan allegiances.

Barasa-Mang’eni, E. (2014), discrimination and marginalization of minority tribes in Somalia. The study examined the situation of minority ethnic groups in Somalia and how systemic deprivation has contributed to their subjugation. The study found that minority tribes in Somalia such as the Bantu communities, Bajuni, Benadirs, Shebelle, Garamarer and Gabawin experience poverty and lack political representation in contrast with the four dominant clans (“Rahanweyn, Dir, Hawiye and Darod”).

METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY

The research delved deeply into the many forms of prejudice faced by Somalia’s minority tribes by using a sequential exploratory mixed methods approach. The study followed a standard protocol for gathering and analyzing qualitative and quantitative data, according to Berman (2017). The study employed both the snowball sampling and purposive sampling techniques due to their individual merits. Using a technique of purposive sampling, four focus groups comprised of 20 participants each were constructed for the qualitative portion of the study. For the purpose of this study, a quantitative sample size of 500 members of minority communities residing in the vicinity of Mogadishu and its environs was selected. There were 300 respondents from tribal or minority group backgrounds who participated in the survey. However, the desired sample group was not reached due to lack of interest, comprehension, or availability of individuals. Additionally, twenty members of Mogadishu’s minority tribes were questioned; they all recounted experiences of subjugation at the hands of the city’s dominant tribes.

The study comprised quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews to gather comprehensive data from various viewpoints on the study’s subject. The objective of this sequential theme analysis is to identify, examine, and understand repeating patterns in qualitative data. Employing statistical methodologies, a descriptive analysis of the survey data will be conducted.

DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

The quantitative results of the was found that it indicates that out of a total of 300 participants, 229 were male, accounting for 76.3% of the total sample. The remaining 71 respondents were female, constituting 23.7% of the sample. The majority of participants, constituting 60% of the total sample, fall within the 18-25 age range. The 26-35 age group accounts for 36.3% of respondents, while individuals aged 36-45 represent a smaller proportion at 3.7%. It reveals that the majority of participants, accounting for 69.3% of the total sample, have completed university or higher education. Additionally, 26% reported finishing secondary school education, while smaller proportions indicated completion of primary school education (3%) or having no formal education (1.7%).

While discrimination in employment opportunities is reported most frequently, with 31.7% of respondents indicating such experiences, other areas such as education and healthcare services show lower prevalence rates at 3.3% and 2.3% respectively. Discrimination in government services was reported by 23.7% of respondents. Notably, a significant portion (39.0%) reported experiencing discrimination in unspecified “other” areas.

Qualitative Data Analysis of The Study

In this section of the study tries to provide group discussion from the target population of the study and the discussion was based on discrimination based on tribal identity is an ongoing issue in Somalia. The group discussions comprised four separate groups, each consisting of 20 respondents, with five individuals in each group.

The initial inquiry posed to the participants was “Can you share a specific incident or experience where you felt discriminated against due to your tribal identity? Please provide details about the situation”

The responses from the four groups provide insights into the experiences and manifestations of tribal discrimination in Somali society. Five overarching themes emerged from the qualitative data: identity concealment, appearance-based discrimination, occupation-based discrimination, education discrimination, and workplace discrimination.

The first theme of identity concealment was evident in Group 1’s observation that some Somalis claim affiliation with other tribes to avoid facing prejudice associated with their own tribe (Hagmann, & Hoehne, 2009). Passing as a member of a more socially accepted tribe allows for easier assimilation and helps circumvent inter-tribal antagonisms. However, this tactic requires concealment of one’s true origins, indicating the psychological impact of needing to disguise indigenous identity to mitigate the risks of discrimination (Lewis et al., 2008).

A second theme involved the role of appearance in discrimination. Group 1 specifically referenced experiencing prejudice due to having “coarse or kinky hair” and a “prominent nose”, physical attributes associated with slave descent rather than purity among Somalis (Issa-Salwe, 1996). This finding aligns with previous research highlighting the salience of somatic features in triggering social stigmatization, with variations from standardized beauty norms increasing vulnerability to discrimination (Hall, 2013).

Occupation emerged as a third theme of tribal discrimination. Group 2 faced contempt from other Somalis because their jobs in shoemaking and construction were deemed lower class occupations. This social distancing was apparent even in marriage relationships (Besteman, 1999). The perception of certain livelihoods as beneath one’s own tribe underscores how professional identities can influence inter-tribal prejudice and stratification (Lewis et al., 2008).

Education was a fourth domain of discrimination reported. Group 3 cited challenges establishing independent learning institutions and oppressive experiences of children in schools dominated by the majority tribe. Such obstacles reflect an institutional marginalization of minority tribes within the national education system. The use of hate speech further signals how children and future generations may internalize inter-generational prejudices.

Lastly, Group 4 highlighted workplace discrimination through groundless accusations, unequal payments and losses seemingly attributable to phenotypic traits or non-mainstream dialects. This is consistent with management literature showing hiring discrimination against minorities along dimensions including appearance and communication styles. Work discrimination threatens equitable economic participation and social mobility across tribes.

“In your opinion, how does discrimination affect the social fabric and cohesion within your community? Share any observations or personal reflections”

The responses from the four groups provide insights into how discrimination affects the social cohesion within their communities. Four overarching themes emerged: tribal influences on social value, impacts across key relationships and opportunities, social isolation effects, and the need for anti-discrimination awareness.

The first theme highlights how one’s worth in Somali society is influenced by their tribe, as Group 1 discussed being looked down upon if from a marginalized tribe (Besteman, 1996). Prior research confirms the central role of clan identity in social hierarchies, where inter-tribal prejudices shape respect, authority and representation (Lewis et al., 2008). Discrimination thus impacts an individual’s social standing within their community based on attributes beyond their control.

The second theme centered on discrimination influencing diverse arenas such as marriage, family, and politics, as noted by Group 2. Marriage across tribal lines allows integration but also faces opposition. Further, discrimination limits career mobility for marginalized groups. It thereby strains social cohesion by circumscribing relationships and curtailing opportunities across core institutions. Past civil conflicts also aggravated inter-clan tensions due to wartime abuses and grievances (Menkhaus, 2003).

Group 3’s observation of feeling ashamed and socially withdrawing due to anticipated racist remarks highlights a third theme of discrimination fostering isolation. This aligns with literature showing how stigmatized identities curb confidence and withdrawl from full participation to avoid censure. Over time, isolation may harden prejudice by minimizing cross-group contact and understanding.

The final theme of needing awareness to reduce discrimination emerged from Group 4’s call for public education. Prior initiatives found discrimination can be mitigated through education on human rights, civic duties and building rapport between groups (Samatar, 2017). However, transitioning communities from conflict to cohesion requires willingness for reconciliation and addressing root prejudices.

What measures or interventions do you think would be effective in reducing discrimination against minority tribes in Somalia? Please elaborate on your ideas

The proposed interventions from the four groups target reducing discrimination from multi-pronged angles of community engagement, education, legal reform, and victim support. Collectively, they aim to remedy discrimination through informed public consciousness, institutional accountability, reconciliation, and empowerment – key elements supported by research.

Group 1 emphasized awareness campaigns building social cohesion versus divisions. Such initiatives cultivate understanding and intergroup relations critical to prejudice reduction. Contact-based programs promoting inclusion can gradually shift norms. However, Somalia requires initiatives tailored to clan dynamics and addressing misunderstandings fueling tensions (Besteman, 1999).

Group 2 called for equitable access to Islamic and general knowledge dissemination, promoting principles like Somali brotherhood. Education curricula influencing social values from a young age can impact long-term attitudes. However, imams and teachers must receive bias-mitigating training for successful implementation.

Group 3 stressed trauma healing and public education supporting discrimination victims. Healing services help overcome psychosocial effects enhancing reconciliation. Combined with awareness campaigns, these efforts acknowledge suffering and responsibility in conflict, keys to sustainable peace.

Group 4 advocated a just legal system constitutionally enforcing rights without prejudice. Formal anti-discrimination statutes coupled with impartial rule of law strengthen minority protections. However, underprioritized segments still face logistical and cultural barriers to access (Samatar, 2017). Traditional reconciliation practices also require incorporation into formal mechanisms for community buy-in and effectiveness.

How important is your tribal identity to you personally? How does it influence your sense of belonging and connection to your community?

The four groups expressed a diversity of stances on the role and influence of tribal identity in personal and community life. For Group 1, tribe served as a core signifier of social status and familial bonds within their community (Laitin and Samatar, 1987). Tribal affiliation played a central role in clarifying one’s position and connections.

However, Group 2 conveyed a sense of independence from solely relying on tribal identity for survival or socializing. Their environment promoted autonomy rather than dependence on tribe, with less impact on emotional and relational well-being. This perspective aligns with literature showing weaker clan ties forming among Somali youth in urban centers detached from traditional contexts.

Group 3 voiced dissatisfaction that their tribe prioritized ethnic allegiance over shared humanity. Strong preferential treatment of own-clan members promotes exclusivity rather than inclusion of “others” (Besteman, 1996). Over-emphasis on tribalism can downgrade compassion and understanding between groups. Interventions cultivating cross-clan appreciation may alleviate such concerns.

Group 4 rejected attributing negative characteristics or oppressing people based on nominal attributes like dubbing some “Bantu” or distinguishing physical traits. Discrimination stemming from superficial attributes undermines social cohesion (Lewis et al., 2008). Initiatives recognizing Somalis’ shared origins and African heritage could help overcome stigmatizing categorizations fueling conflict.

Please describe your tribal identity and culture. How important is your tribe to your sense of belonging?

The four groups described their unique tribal identities and complex relationship with belonging. Group 1 emphasized distinct cultural practices like clothing, farming techniques, music and communal support systems (Lewis et al., 2008). Such cultural dimensions sustain clan solidarity despite Somalis generally sharing cultural symbols.

Group 2’s clan is associated with nomadic pastoralism, as livestock herding constitutes a dominant Somali livelihood. Their artisanal roles in metal/leather crafts aligned with caste divisions of labor (Besteman, 1996). However, perceived low status origins belies their economic importance. Occupational identities tangled with stigma, demonstrating how external prejudices form against contributors to material culture.

Group 3 identified as an amalgamation of ethnicities including indigenous Somali and immigrant Bantu peoples. Descendants of such diverse ancestral mixing typically face difficulties establishing coherent ethnic narratives. Yet strong clan identity prevailed despite marginalization by naming and physical features beyond their control.

Group 4’s religious instructive roles accorded respect from clans they resided with, indicating some tribal specialization (Lewis et al., 2008). However, they confronted discrimination due to minor theological differences, a common driver of persecution. Exclusion arose not from teachings’ substance but superficial variances emphasizing discord over doctrine’s unifying function.

Future reconciliation requires appreciating diversity within cultural coherence and reframing stigmatized identities through their productive dimensions. Addressing root prejudices upholding clan dignity may assist conflict resolution more than emphasizing imagined differences.

What are some examples of discrimination you have witnessed against members of minority tribes?

The responses from the four groups outlined various forms of discrimination targeting minority tribes in Somalia. Group 1 highlighted the use of derogatory ethnic slurs like “Bantu” directed at them, underscoring the psychological impacts of such name-calling in fostering stigma and isolation. Verbal abuse based on ascribed identities violates dignity and signals societal devaluation (Cuddy et al., 2007).

Group 2 drew attention to systemic economic marginalization limiting opportunities in employment, education, services and business ownership faced by their tribe. Previous studies corroborate structural barriers marginalized groups encounter in the labour market and entrepreneurship due to informal discrimination. Reduced socioeconomic participation perpetuates intergenerational poverty cycles.

Group 3’s account of land disputes, unlawful evictions and displacement from ancestral properties aligned with reports of minority land dispossession during civil conflicts. Weak property rights governance enabled predatory behavior contravening customary tenure. Land loss shatters livelihoods and uproots communities.

Finally, Group 4’s awareness of extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests underscored the vulnerability of minorities to human rights violations often perpetrated with impunity. Survivors of such state-sanctioned or militant group violence suffer deep trauma. Yet accountability remains elusive when perpetrating authorities prioritize their interests over law.

How do experiences of discrimination impact people’s well-being and livelihood opportunities in your community?

The seventh group discussion question aimed to explore manifestations of discrimination through the lived experiences of community members. A thematic analysis of the four focus groups’ responses revealed several emergent themes relating to discrimination’s impacts on well-being, livelihoods, and perpetuation of disadvantage.

The Mental Health theme incorporated Group 1’s discussions of low self-esteem, social isolation, and increased stress/anxiety/depression commonly faced. Their accounts aligned with theories that discrimination undermines dignity and self-worth (Cuddy et al., 2007). Withdrawing from interactions to avoid mistreatment was also indicative of social-relational impacts.

Group 2 highlighted the Physical Health implications through references to higher risks for chronic conditions such as hypertension and heart disease stemming from discrimination-induced stress. Participant experiences of barriers inhibiting equitable access to healthcare services supported structural vulnerability models.

Within the Socioeconomic Participation domain, Group 3 centered discussions around obstacles limiting securing gainful employment and entrepreneurial activities. Social closure perspectives helped explain informal discrimination restricting opportunities often faced by marginalized groups.

Regarding Future Prospects, Group 4 dialogues noted obstacles to accessing quality education systems and reductions in academic performance associated with enduring stressors. Their accounts aligned with interest convergence approaches regarding perpetuation of intergenerational poverty cycles amid weak policy remedies.

What role do you think regional and national political leaders play in addressing or exacerbating issues of tribal discrimination?

The eighth discussion question elicited perspectives on political leaders’ role in addressing or exacerbating tribal discrimination. Emergent themes cantered around Power, Resources, Discourse, and Legal Protection.

Group 1 highlighted leaders’ Policy Formation power to challenge or perpetuate prejudice through inclusive/discriminatory legislation. This aligned with literature on state power to sanction oppression or remedy injustices against marginalized groups.

Group 2 emphasized the Resource Allocation authority held by leaders over programming and services impacting tribal well-being. Equity theories postulate disadvantage ensues from unequal resource distribution. Participants implied addressing gaps could ameliorate disparities faced.

Group 3 dialogues centered on leaders’ influence over Public Discourse. Their framing of issues shapes societal norms and values regarding tolerance. Divisive rhetoric risks normalizing oppression while inclusive stances foster understanding.

Legal Protection for indigenous rights surfaced in Group 4’s account of parliaments’ accountability. Democratic framework perspectives posit respecting minority sovereignty and anti-discrimination statutes mitigate prejudice.

What recommendations would you offer to improve inclusion and representation of minority tribes in Somalia?

The ninth discussion question elicited suggestions to improve minority tribe inclusion and representation in Somalia. Emergent themes centered around Rights, Participation, Reconciliation, Media Representation, and Security.

Group 1 emphasized the need for Legal and Political Recognition of minority rights through constitutional reforms acknowledging their identity, language, practices and proportional participation. This aligned with literature arguing for institutionalized protections against marginalization.

Community Engagement and conversations between groups were highlighted by Group 2 as means to foster reconciliation, understanding and healing of past conflicts. This accords with deliberative democracy perspectives valuing grassroots reconciliation.

Representation in Media and Communication surfaced in Group 3’s accounts. Critical race media theories posit diversifying viewpoints in press/broadcast reduces stigmatizing stereotypes. Inclusive representation promotes empowerment of silenced voices.

Group 4 emphasized applying culturally-appropriate Peace-building techniques involving armed groups, Islamic courts and traditional leaders could help resolve politically-motivated conflicts and organized crime threats to security. This aligns with situating peace solutions within local stakeholder involvement.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

The quantitative analyses provided insights into common manifestations of discrimination against minority tribes in Somalia. Discrimination in employment opportunities emerged as the most prevalent (31.7%), consistent with literature highlighting resource control by dominant clans restricting minorities’ livelihoods (Musau, 2013). Discrimination was also reported in government services (23.7%) and other ambiguous areas (39.0%). Qualitative data elucidated additional prejudiced treatments in education, health care, housing and security, indicating discrimination permeates all facets of minority existence. These findings underscore how discrimination multiplies vulnerabilities.

As anticipated, discrimination inflicts diverse harms on victims and communities. Quantitative measures revealed impacts on mental health, social isolation, and constraints on upward mobility. Qualitative narratives authenticated psychological costs and social strains. Discrimination threatens trust necessary for communal cohesion. This aligns with theoretical frameworks on discrimination’s detrimental ramifications (Cuddy et al., 2007; Fryer, 2006). Analyses shed light on discrimination roots in protracted social hierarchies. Quantitative figures showed varied perceptions of clans’ ongoing influence, suggesting divergence in interpreting Somalia’s history. Qualitative data unearthed intertwined historical sources of marginalization (Abdullahi, 2020; Webersik, 2004). Overcoming discrimination necessitates acknowledging its institutionalized nature.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendations emerged for inclusive national curricula, proportionate political participation, robust anti-discrimination legislation, community reconciliation initiatives, and targeting discrimination’s root causes through impartial land governance and livelihood empowerment. Successful intervention necessitates sustained, coordinated grassroots empowerment respecting diversity as an asset (Lederach, 1997; Young, 1990).

Limitations included geography, sensitivity, cross-sectional design, sampling, gender representation and positionality as outsiders. Addressing these through expanded, iterative research advances contextualized comprehension of Somalia’s marginalization and impactful solutions. In summary, the study’s mixed findings revealed discrimination as an enduring reality impairing minorities despite progress in domains. Coordinated, community-driven remedies respecting lived experiences hold promise for equitably progressing Somalia, if meaningfully implemented. Future collaborative research applying participatory methodologies to understand discrimination and remedy its impacts promises improved policy solutions. This contextualized, participatory exploration advances anti-marginalization advocacy.

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