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The Lobbying Power of Urban Poor in the Legislative Process of Naga City, Camarines Sur, Philippines

The Lobbying Power of Urban Poor in the Legislative Process of Naga City, Camarines Sur, Philippines

Gene Kervin S. Borja*

Ateneo de Naga University, Naga City, Camarines Sur, Philippines

*Corresponding Author

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.803075

Received: 04 February 2024; Accepted: 20 February 2024; Published: 06 April 2024

INTRODUCTION

Lobbying is a way of attempt to influence government policies. It attempts many forms to influence legislation and political system. Lobbying is a powerful trade of influence. It seeks for political support and advocates the civil society. A civil society is a third sector of the community that is highly distinct from government and business. Through lobbying, Philippines as a representative democracy exercises civil society’s power through the masses.

Civil society emerges its two main principles. It integrates the interest of its citizens and advocate interest which are independent from the government. Among the two, a non- governmental group seeks to influence the policy of governments. ‘’Interest groups have assumed many of the functions that are carried out by political parties in other systems. They are the heart of political process and are the central to the process of representation.’’ (Baumgartner & Leech, 1998). Generally, interest groups establish and share goals that can complement and benefit their living. Like any other developing country, lobbying as a means confronts government’s function as a legitimate body. It advocates the economically challenged sector and supports the will and heart of the masses.

In a civil society, ‘‘Lobbying, as a means of influence, seeks assistance and sustenance from its government, as well as it is the force of influence in making policies that will reflect to the necessities being heard or unheard by its government unit.’’ (Boehner, 1996). It is a movement that would solidify the civil society’s behavior, interaction and involves lobbying groups that attains a certain goal or interest. Interestingly, when a civil society lacks their basic needs such as food, shelter and clothing, they seek for support and sustenance given by its political institution. Same as Boehner logic, it is a simultaneous participation in which it attains tangible material and intangible programs manifested by its government. Lobbying is a work of influence to attain the interest groups. ‘’Much influence-seeking activity goes unreported by the media, and the visibility of political activities may be different for different types of lobbyists. For example, business interests are said to employ outside lobbying strategies to a lesser extent than non-business groups.’’ (Bernhagen, 2011).

It is meant that in an urbanized government, such that of Naga City it is often exposed to the interests of the people that has the influence that can shape masses in terms of opinion, sentiment, needs and wants as a whole. Naga City as autonomous by nature confronts government’s role in shaping the public when it comes to sustaining and giving political power to its masses. Lobbying as a means of influence challenges government’s unit in shaping the public opinion, it is a form where it visualizes the attempt of the people to participate and coordinate to achieve further development and progression within the society. Urban Poor as the sector who needs support and sustenance from the government form organizational groups that can forward interestingly their voices. Urban Poor as the sector that has the capacity to sway influence confronts the government by group and serves their role in the society as the masses.

Objectives

This study has the primary goal of identifying the effectiveness of lobbying power in the legislative process in Naga City. This study is also concerned to achieve the following:

  1. Identify the level of effectiveness of the lobbying power by the urban poor in the legislative process of Naga City.
  2. Determine the Urban Poor’s involvement within the government’s law-making process.
  3. Identify on how Urban Poor influences the law makers in making ordinances for their benefit.

Theoretical Framework

A theoretical map of empowerment theorized from the related literature

Figure 1. A theoretical map of empowerment theorized from the related literature.

This study is focused on the topic of the lobbying power of urban poor in the legislative process of Naga City. In order to have a wide understanding of this topic, as shown in figure 1, the researchers theorized empowerment from the related literature and was used as a guide of this study and the theoretical framework.

Empowerment is defined as the ability of people, in particular the least privileged, to have access to productive resources that enable them to increase their earnings and obtain the goods and services they need (Chambers, 2003). A key requirement for any escape from poverty and hunger is access to productive resources and avail the government’s services. Empowerment is also a process of increasing personal, interpersonal or political power in order to enable individuals, families and communities to improve their situation (Chambers, 2003). For the urban poor sector, livelihood is the major problem with regards to poverty. In order to prove the urban poor’s livelihood, land and housing and financial resources are of foremost important.

In addition, as a sector, they are contributing immensely to the economies of cities, mainly through the cheap labor they provide in construction, transport, retail trade, repair, domestic and other services. In more developed countries, these services are valued and compensated highly (Chambers, 2003). This is why the government should focus on the empowerment of the poor.  Thus, by this empowerment, improved access to productive resources by the poor is a crucial element of their lobbying power. It is not an event, but a process, that is subjected to constant change and constraints.

As much as access to productive resources, the poor need increased access to decision making. This goes beyond the usual participation in projects, whether through consultation, provision of labor or money, or NGO implementation. Empowerment implies the ability of the population, in particular the least privileged segment of society, to participate in the decisions that affect its livelihood. Empowerment requires structures that provide for participation by the poor in decision making and resource allocation, especially at the local level. That is a very important element when in terms of lobbying (Korten, 2001).

These structures are the city councilors of Naga City (law makers) wherein they are the instrument to empower the urban poor sectors in making ordinances that would be beneficial to them. These officials are the ones who can assist the urban poor sectors to develop their livelihood and develop their sector as well.

Putting it in the context of the study, lobbying power of the people of urban poor connects with empowerment. The people are given the authority to lobby for their needs and initiating programs for the locality which contributes to the urban poor development. This gives importance to the urban poor sector to have access to resources and to the services that they need within the government.

Conceptual Framework

Lobbying power (with its indicators) by the people of urban poor towards the Local Government Unit, specifically in the Legislative process, of Naga City

Figure 2. Lobbying power (with its indicators) by the people of urban poor towards the Local Government Unit, specifically in the Legislative process, of Naga City

The conceptual framework of this study shows the flow chart that was used on the proper process on the conduct of this study. This was the guiding framework of the study.

The box in the conceptual framework located on the lower part labeled as the People (Urban Poor Sector) in Figure 1, is the basis for every essential that this study aimed to assess. This sector provides the movement on how they best achieve the influence towards the Local Government Unit.

The two arrows are representation of the aim and movement of this study. The arrow labeled as the level of effectiveness of Lobbying Power by Urban Poor in the Legislative Process of Naga City presents the different indicators in which it will be the researchers’ basis to know what level of effectiveness it belongs and involvement which includes the movement on swaying the law- making process in its legislative branch.

The indicators are as follows: Political Participation in addressing their sentiments and needs (Cronin, 2004), Aiming for a Transparent Government (Sloot & Gaanderse, 2010), Openness to democracy (Sloot & Gaanderse, 2010)

The box in the conceptual framework located on the upper part labeled as Local Government Unit of Naga City covers the regulating and monitoring powers endowed by its administration. It is a political body that conforms to the movement with its people in accordance with the Philippine Constitution.

These are interrelated upward movement because they affect the legislative processes of Naga City. Also, these levels of effectiveness and factors are a reflection of the implementation and ideals meant to be embodied by the Local Government Unit of Naga City received by the masses that includes the Urban Poor sector.

METHODOLOGY

Research Design

This study utilized both quantitative and qualitative methods of research. Specifically, the researchers used the descriptive survey and descriptive-exploratory design.

For the quantitative method, the level of effectiveness of lobbying power by the urban poor in the legislative process of Naga City was identified through the researcher-made survey questionnaire. The researchers utilized the survey method to elicit answers from the respondents who were residing in the urban poor areas of Naga City.

For the qualitative method, on the other hand, this was used in conducting Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with the different representatives residing in Urban Poor areas of Naga City. This was utilized to determine on how the people in urban poor involve themselves in the law-making process. Also, the key informant interviews were conducted with the law-makers. These were utilized to determine on how urban poor influences the law-makers to make ordinances for their benefit.

Research Locale

The Urban Poor areas of Naga City were the research locale of the study. All the Urban Poor sectors of Naga City were known for its active people’s participation in elections and governance since this people wanted change for the development of their living and also for the development of the sector as well. For additional information, Urban Poor located in Barangay Pacol of Naga City bids the highest population of 1,210 as the year 2011 compared to other urban poor areas (Naga City Urban Poor Affairs Office).

Majority of the people residing in an Urban Poor area the ones that needs assistance and help from the government such as tricycle, jeepney and pedicab drivers, different types of vendors, informal settlers and the like (http://www.naga.gov.ph)

Respondents of the Study

The respondents of this study were the people residing in urban poor areas of Naga City and the law makers of the Local Government Unit of Naga City were the key informants.

Based on the records of the Naga City Urban Poor Affairs Office, there are approximately 18 urban poor sectors in Naga City and the barangay with the highest number of populations in all the urban poor areas was Barangay Pacol, Naga City. Afterwards, the researchers used the slovin’s formula to have a justifiable sample size for the respondents for each sector. These respondents were requested to answer the researcher-made survey questionnaire pertaining to the level of effectiveness of lobbying power in the legislative process of Naga City.

Moreover, the different presidents of each sector participated in the Focus Group Discussion. There were two (2) Focus Group Discussions that were facilitated separately and a target of nine (9) respondents from the different representatives of the urban poor sectors in Naga City was the participants of each Focus Group Discussion. This elicited the answers of the respondents concerning on how the urban poor involve themselves in the law-making process.

As for the key informants of the study, the researcher conducted an interview with the law makers of the Local Government Unit of Naga City. Request letters were given first to respective offices of the identified informants to schedule the interviews with them.  Afterwards, separate interviews were done with the key informants to elicit answers concerning the level of effectiveness of lobbying power by the urban poor sector and on how urban poor influence the law-makers in making ordinances for their benefit.

Sources of Data

In this research, the researchers used both the primary and secondary data. The primary sources of data were the respondents’ answers in the questionnaires that were administered. Also, the responses from the Focus Group Discussions and Key Informant Interviews were the primary sources of data for this study. On the other hand, the secondary data used were the documents obtained from Naga City Urban Poor Affairs Office for knowing the master list of residents of the said locale.

Research Instrument

This study used a survey questionnaire for the respondents as the research instrument for the purpose of gathering essential data. This questionnaire was known as the Urban Poor Level of Effectiveness questionnaire. The questionnaire consists of two major sections. First, the demographic profiles of the respondents and second, the survey in which level of effectiveness of lobbying power by the urban poor in the legislative process of Naga City was measured.

For the demographic profile checklist, the respondents were requested to fill in the information sheet which consists of items regarding: the respondent’s name (optional), age, gender, civil status, occupation, monthly income and the highest educational attainment. This instrument was subjected for validity considerations.

As for the Urban Poor Level of Effectiveness questionnaire, there were 30 items which tried to identify the level of effectiveness of lobbying power by the urban poor in the legislative process of Naga City belongs to. The respondents were asked to rate each statement depending on how much they agree with each, on a scale of 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Afterwards, the test was scored by getting the mean of each statement and identifying the corresponding level to which it belongs. There are four (4) levels of effectiveness of lobbying namely: Very Effective lobbying, Effective lobbying, moderately effective lobbying, Not Effective lobbying.

As for the instruments used for qualitative methods, sets of interview schedules were prepared for the Focus Group Discussions and Interview schedules for the key informant interviews were also prepared.

The key informant interviews that were conducted with the law-makers aimed to identify on how urban poor influences the law-makers to make ordinances for their benefit.

On the other hand, Focus Group Discussions that were conducted aimed to know on how urban poor involve themselves in the law-making process.

Data Gathering Procedures

This section presented the procedures on how the researchers conducted the study.

The researchers organized the step-by-step process of gathering the data’s needed. Initially, a letter was sent to the Naga City Urban Poor Affairs Office to know the location sites of the urban poor areas of Naga City and the master list of the residents in all the Urban Poor areas.

After knowing the location sites of all the urban poor areas in Naga City, communication letters for the Barangay Captain were made and sent. The letter specified the importance of the study and was sent to ask permission to conduct the survey in the barangay. After the letters were approved, the researchers administered the survey questionnaires to the respondents to elicit answers regarding the level of effectiveness of lobbying power by them in the legislative process of Naga City.

To explore on how the people in urban poor involve themselves in the law-making process, there were two (2) Focus Group Discussions for the different representatives of the Urban Poor areas that were facilitated separately. A total of ten (10) participants in the two Focus Group Discussions. Besides the participants for each FGD session, there were the researchers and the inter-raters. The FGD sessions took about an hour and a half inclusive of the debriefing facilitated by the researchers as well.

For the key informant interviews, letters of request were sent to the law-makers of the Local Government Unit of Naga City explaining the purpose and importance of the study and asking permission to conduct an interview with them. After approval, the researchers set an appointment, and then formal interviews were followed. The researchers asked questions and recorded the interview on tape. The interviews were held in the respective offices of the participants. The inter-raters together with the researchers were also present during the process.

During the entire procedure of data gathering, recording notebooks, ball pens, tape recorders were used for documentation. The researchers did the documentation during all the sessions. The recordings that were obtained were transcribed and subjected for analysis.

Data Analysis

After all survey questionnaires were answered, the responses were tallied and were presented into tables. The tables presented the mean score ratings of the indicators. After which, the data gathered were analyzed and were interpreted through their respective mean score ratings. This was used to identify the level of effectiveness of lobbying power by the urban poor in the legislative process of Naga City has.

The data gathered in the Focus Group Discussions were subjected to content analysis using constant comparison and identifying the common and distinct responses in order to determine on how the people in urban poor involve themselves in the law-making.

As for the key informant interview with the law-makers, the data gathered were collated to describe the different perspectives of the interviewees on the questions asked. The same process of data analysis was used to identify on how urban poor influences the law-makers in making ordinances for their benefit.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Tables with their corresponding analysis, explanations and interpretations are included in this chapter. Presented first is the level of effectiveness of lobbying by the Urban Poor in Naga City. The second part is about the involvement of the urban poor sectors in the law-making process. And the third part is about on how urban poor influences the law makers in making ordinances for their benefit.

Level of Effectiveness of Lobbying by the Urban Poor Sectors in Naga City

The level of effectiveness of lobbying by the urban poor in Naga City was determined through the use of the Level of Effectiveness survey questionnaire as shown in Table 1.

Table 1. Mean Scores of each indicator on the Level of Effectiveness of Lobbying by the Urban Poor Sector (N = 755)

Indicators Total Mean Interpretation
a.     Political Participation in addressing their personal needs and sentiments. 2.8039 Moderately Effective Lobbying
b.     Aiming for a Transparent Government 2.8271 Moderately Effective Lobbying
c.     Openness to democracy 2.8393 Moderately Effective Lobbying
d.     Ability to interact constructively with the law makers 2.8965 Moderately Effective Lobbying
Level of Effectiveness of Lobbying 2.8552 Moderately Effective Lobbying

Legend:          

0.5-1.49 –Not Effective Lobbying

1.5-2.49 – Moderately Not Effective Lobbying

2.5-3.49 – Moderately Effective Lobbying

3.5-4.0 – Effective Lobbying

Level of Effectiveness of Lobbying by the Urban Poor Sectors in Naga City

Table 1 show that the level of effectiveness of lobbying by the urban poor sectors in Naga City is 2.8552 which is interpreted as Moderately Effective Lobbying. Moreover, it likewise shows that the four (4) main indicators are also rated as Moderately Effective Lobbying.

As defined by Campos and Giovannoni (2006), lobbying is the preferred mean for exerting political influence in poor countries both inside and outside a political system. This is viewed by the respondents to be sufficiently done by them as they gave a Moderately Effective Lobbying rating on items such an effective protocol of interaction between the two parties, the urban poor sector and the government, in addressing their needs and sentiments. Also, as defined further by Angeles (1997), lobbying becomes significant in running the political machinery during elections. Because of this, the residents of urban poor provide a political movement obtaining help from the city officials in exchange for some favor (Campos & Giovannoni, 2006).

The analysis of this situation took into account the fact that the urban poor make up a significant number of poor individuals in the City of Naga. In contrast, as a sector, they are contributing immensely to the economy of city, mainly through the cheap labor they provide in construction, repair and other services. In other countries, these services are valued and compensated highly (Chambers, 2003). However, there is a certain social stigma attached to “squatters” as far as the urban poor are concerned. They are viewed as lazy, opportunistic and harboring criminals among them. This warped perception of the urban poor had to be changed in order to solicit support from the law makers in the government so that there will be no strong opposition to the proposed ordinances that they lobby. As a result, the total mean score rating from the responses of the respondents is a Moderately Effective Lobbying rating to the level of effectiveness of lobbying by the urban poor in Naga City.

The researcher has determined the level of effectiveness of lobbying by the urban poor in Naga City through the different indicators. These indicators are as follows: 1. Political participation in addressing their sentiments and needs, 2. Openness to democracy 3. Aiming for a transparent government and 4. Ability to Interact Constructively with the Lawmakers. Based on the table, the indicator with the highest mean is the Ability to Interact Constructively with the Lawmakers. This refers to Naga’s urban poor that wants to be empowered and mainstreamed back in society primarily through a fair, credible and effective communication between them and the law makers. It garnered a mean of 2.8965, which means that the respondents have agreed on the statements concerning this particular indicator. This can be manifested from the urban poor residents by making a direct contact with law-makers inside their offices or political sphere through communication between the urban poor residents and the government and putting pressure to the government. This movement of the urban poor has been done from the previous administrations to seek assistance from the government to improve their livelihood and for the development of the sector (Chomsky, 2006).

This assistance coming from the government clearly became part of the lives of the residents of urban poor in the city of Naga as to where they can directly ask for financial and housing support, share their sentiments and know necessary information in the development of the urban poor sectors in Naga City.  This effort of the residents of Urban Poor to seek assistance from the government supports what Campos and Giovannoni (2006) stated that “the government and non-government organizations should fully address the concerns for urban poor.”

This openness and willingness of the residents of urban poor to lobby allows them to develop the urban poor sector for the future. This also allows the residents to evaluate and assess the performance of the city government on whether they have an immediate action to what they lobbied for, and since 10% of the budget of the city government of Naga is for the urban poor development, it answers the question in mind of the residents concerning the management of the budget allocated to them. This manifests that the Urban Poor sectors are “aiming for a transparent government” (Sloot & Gaanderse, 2010). This supports what Grossman and Helpman (1999 & 2001) stated, that the urban poor lobbyists can influence the government, particularly the politicians, by providing endorsements or threatening to provide damaging information about them or their policies.

Furthermore, Political Participation in Addressing their Sentiments and Needs received a mean of 2.8039. With its mean score of 2.8039, it shall fall under the Moderately Effective Lobbying rating (mean score range = 2.5 to 3.49) based on the answers of the respondents. Urban Poor make up slightly more than half of the city’s population and it cannot be argued that urban poor’s contribution to the social and economic development of the city cannot be disputed because of their work in the public and private spheres in society. Yet their political participation in addressing their sentiments and needs remains insignificant. It has been argued that the urban poor need a voice in politics, however there are numerous barriers in preventing the urban poor from achieving this goal because of the perception that was given to them and because of corruption.

The Naga City government is settling on how they should actually make ordinances and how would these ordinances affect the urban poor. Making ordinances for the betterment of the urban poor is important to help maintain equality among the society. Political Participation is directly related to democracy, since it is a system in which is for the people and by the people. Thus, the urban poor value the right to help make ordinances, by having an active political participation in lobbying for a particular ordinance, and in the law-making process. The Naga City government should make ordinances on important issues, should this law-making process involve the urban poor?

Zakaria (1998) believe that “the government should not intervene at all in the decision-making processes and that there should be more individual freedom within the society.” This supports what Locke (2002) said that “citizens should have more individual freedom within the society, and that the people should not have reliance on a higher power but rather than have system where citizens should be able to govern themselves.” The Urban Poor sector of Naga City value political participation, because it gives them the right to have a say in what goes on in the law-making process and gives them the right to their freedom of speech in politics. Hence, the government should have total and complete control over the entire law making, where there should be elected representatives representing the urban poor sector and helping making the ordinances. Representation is defined as action or speech expressed on behalf of all the people. Even though the Naga City Government is a democracy we are not a true democracy we have people who represent us in the political decision-making process. As a result, this indicator falls in the moderately effective lobbying rating according to the respondents.

The next indicator is the Openness to democracy received a mean of 2.8393. With its mean score of 2.8393, it shall fall under the Moderately Effective Lobbying rating (mean score range = 2.5 to 3.49) based on the answers of the respondents. This refers to the willingness of the Urban Poor Sector to accept new ideas and ordinances given by the government. This indicator contributes to a successful lobbying because whether those ordinances that they lobbied is passed or not, as long as you have the willingness to lobby and accept the government’s decision, it is a successful lobbying. The government has been used for good by the urban poor sector, an example of this, they organize and lobby for assistance for the development of their sector. A good government protects its people by making ordinances. Ordinances ensure safety to the people and it also insures democracy.

The concept of equality takes place when we talk about openness to democracy. Although the Urban Poor Sector has done it part by its willingness to accept the ordinances or decisions made by the government whether it is successful lobbying or not, the government should be equal in making that decision.  Openness to Democracy seems to be the closest thing to equality. Because of the uneven distribution of wealth which makes equality impossible to achieve in the Urban Poor sector. The view of openness to democracy is that similarly situated people should be treated equally, poor or not. The majority of citizens feel that it is necessary for the government to treat everyone with the same degree equality. Equality is achievable but it is still a tough challenge. To this day, unfortunately, there are committed acts of injustice by the Naga City government itself. As a result, this indicator falls under the moderately effective lobbying according to the respondents.

Lastly, aiming for a Transparent Government received a mean of 2.8271. With its mean score of 2.8271, it shall fall under the Moderately Effective Lobbying rating (mean score range = 2.5 to 3.49) based on the answers of the respondents. Transparency will make the government, specifically the law makers, more responsible. This will have a huge implication that the urban poor become more powerful since they demand for a transparent government, the government shall give data on how the 10% budget allocated to them are being used. Hence, this supports what Akhila (2009) said that “transparency will positively result in wiping out the authoritarianism and whimsical way of working of the so-called powerful bureaucrats under the patronage of politicians.”

Since people directly and indirectly affected by decisions made by government, they have the right to know what is happening inside the government how the 10% budget allocated to them was used (Piotrowski, 2007). Through this, this would help the urban poor sector to solve their disputes in a fair and transparent manner (Robredo, 2006). Moreover, urban poor are known as lobbyists in demanding an ordinance to support their needs and assistance to their livelihood. Through this, urban poor residents demand it to be a reasonable ordinance. This supports what Glenn (2001) said that “in order for it to be a reasonable ordinance, it must follow these three main principles, it must be just, transparent and attainable.

As shown in Table 1, all the 4 (four) main indicators received a Moderately Effective Lobbying rating. These indicators are directly inter-related with each other since it contributes to the level of effectiveness of lobbying by the urban poor in Naga City. This manifests that the urban poor sector has a moderately effective lobbying campaign with the law makers that aimed at shifting the politics and creating pressure on what they have lobbied for to have an immediate action to it. The mean scores received by the indicators reflect that an organization’s lobbying power can be measured by the “the expertise of the lobbyists has,” and an “active political participation” (Austen-Smith & Wright, 1994). As the residents of urban poor reach their expected degree of willingness and openness, they feel confident on whatever information they believe. Thus, this might boost the people’s feelings and perceptions towards their lobbying power giving its willingness and effort result to a Moderately Effective Lobbying.

Urban Poor’s Involvement in the Law-making Process

Common and Distinct Responses from the Focus Group Discussion of the Urban Poor

The respondents emphasized that the city government is in effect because it is in support in giving spontaneous developments and priority from the time of Mayor Jesse Robredo until the term of Mayor John Bongat with its facilities lobbied by the urban poor sector. In addition, on the questions on the existing legislative process, the common responses were generally peaceful and organized in making goals for the benefit of the urban poor sector. Thus, the urban poor presidents perceive a good performance to the existing legislative process. This affirms that in the quantitative analysis, the indicator Ability to Interact Constructively with the Law Makers, got a moderately effective lobbying rating from the respondents because of the government’s effective mechanisms in terms of law-making process in addressing the Urban Poor’s needs.

For the existing legislative process, and to incorporate the effectiveness of the city government, the urban poor presidents commonly responded that they see the federation as an influential body. They see the federation as an acting organized mechanism that dominantly achieves its prime value. The Urban Poor presidents themselves incorporate with the federation to achieve the needs and assistance of the sector. This results to the ordinance “Kaantabay sa Kauswagan Program” and the “Bayad-nihan Program” that addresses the assistance and needs that the urban poor sector. Due to urban poors demand, this ordinance was passed and became a law. This also affirms in the quantitative analysis that the indicator, Political Participation in addressing their sentiments and needs, got a moderately effective lobbying because the government have passed the ordinances that the urban poor sectors have demanded.

On the questions on how the urban poor involve themselves in the law-making process, with the help of the federation, the common response of the respondents is that they come up as an organized group (i.g. rally) lobby for support and negotiate agreements with the law makers. They believe that the government is in support when it comes to arrangements and settlements. They perceive the city government building a process of development not just for the urban poor, but for the entire society.

Mostly of the respondents acknowledges the help of the city government in accordance with their moderately effective lobbying. However, as a distinct response by one urban poor president, the city government should improve its political will. This means that the implementation should have a regulating system that will follow the abided ordinances that the urban poor lobbied.

Common and Distinct Responses from the Focus Group Discussion of the Urban Poor Presidents

For the question on the description of urban poor presidents on the legislative process of Naga City, the common response is that the city government has a spontaneously effective in decision making, governance and implementation. It is because they believe that the government has an effective mechanism because it awards and gives support when they lobby for settlements and agreements needed by the urban poor sector. The distinct response is that in their sector, the city disregards the urban poor as a priority because according to the respondent, the urban poor sector dominantly has already been awarded with lands that they lobbied.

When the respondents were asked about their lobbying power, the common responses were about the power of the urban poor sector to the city government that goes to the working partnership of both the local government and the urban poor development. This supports what Locke (2002) said, that “citizens should have more individual freedom within the society, and that the people should not have reliance on a higher power but rather that have a system where citizens should be able to govern themselves.”

This affirms in the quantitative analysis that the indicator Ability to interact constructively with the government has a moderately effective lobbying because the urban poor perceives that the programs that they lobbied like Kaantabay sa Kauswagan Program, Bayad-nihan Program, HSDO programs, Relocation Sites are assisting them towards the development of their livelihood. Thus, with the help of this indicator, these ordinances were passed and became laws. As for the distinct response, an urban poor president stated that the access to the city government were not as easy anymore, unlike by the time of Mayor Jesse Robredo, it’s more convenient since there is an immediate action after lobbying.

As to the question on the urban poor’s involvement in the law-making process, the common response is that they become systematic and acts an organized group. The Urban Poor presidents initiate agendas and resolutions, that when they lobby as a group, they personally and directly go to the city hall in order for them to be seen by the government that they need assistance and support. As for the distinct response, the urban poor president represents the sector and individually go to the sanggunian to address their sentiments. This affirms in the quantitative analysis that the indicator, Political Participation in addressing their sentiments and needs falls in a moderately effective rating because the urban poor presidents believe that they have done this actively with regards in lobbying on what they demand.

Thus, having a systematic and organized group (i.g. rally) in lobbying is an effective mechanism by the urban poor sector with regards to their involvement in the law-making process. This has been the common response of the respondents of the presidents of urban poor. Through this, the government would see that the urban poor sectors of Naga really need assistance from the government, and this would empower them to have a developed livelihood.

Urban Poor Influencing the Law makers in making ordinances for their benefit

For the question on the city government to its budgetary support, the common responses of the lawmakers are that it opens to direct support to the urban poor by making certain changes and to strengthening its system. What the city government do as a support is 10% of budgetary fund goes to the urban poor for house settlements and agreements to the urban poor sector. Meanwhile, the distinct responses reflected on how the researchers perceived what does the budgetary support means in the study.

For the question about the existing legislative programs, the common response was the existing ordinances like that of Kaantabay sa Kauswagan ordinance, The installments of the urban poor beneficiaries for house settlements and various agreements within the relocation sites in order to help the outlooks of the people to its government is in effect in the current governance of the city government. On the other hand, the distinct response was about the health procedures being done by the city government to the urban poor.

On the question on any proposed ordinance made by the city government, the common responses are that they do not have any proposed plans yet and to the distinct response is that a proponent is handling the committee on appropriations when it comes to budgetary funding. It is considered as a plan to strengthen the bond between the urban poor and the city government.

The legislative process of Naga City identifies various factors that affect its system in strengthening its problem, in which the respondents have enumerated common responses of the numbers of those who are unemployed and of those who lacks opportunities and livelihood. As a distinct response, there were various problems within the urban sector, onto which it is the illegal transfers and health issues being experienced by the urban poor sector.

As a counter to the problem, Empowerment is defined as the ability of people, in particular the least privileged, to have access to productive resources that enable them to increase their earnings and obtain the goods and services they need (Chambers, R. 2003).  The local government unit’s adequacy in making solutions is to be having an organize governance that is in a working progress and development. The common responses of the lawmakers generally is to see the urban poor as a partner within the city, they tend to see urban poor as an organized sector that works hand in hand with them, as partners, the lawmakers are being influenced through the effective and organized lobbying of the urban poor sector, specifically, on how it influences a working progress in terms of development and decision making. On the other hand, the distinct response is about the concerns about health to its constituents.

For the question on dominating factors that affects the legislative process of Naga City, the common response from the respondents is that the lawmakers prioritize the urban poor because they are mostly the masses, as a sector, they are contributing immensely to the economies of cities, mainly through the cheap labor they provide in construction, transport, retail trade, repair, domestic and other services. In more developed countries, these services are valued and compensated highly (Chambers, R. 2003).

As an individual’s perspective of politicians, it is an effective form of protecting their career to achieve the public interest and goals of the legislative branch. On the other hand, Empowerment requires structures that provide for participation by the poor and the hungry in decision making and resource allocation, especially at the local level. That is a very important element when in terms of lobbying. (Korten, 2001). The distinct response regards the urban poor as marginalized sector, The city government best regards the marginalized sector that seeks for further help and sustenance in the community.

For the question on the lobbying power of the urban poor, the common responses perceive the factor of an effective lobbying mechanism, through constant dialogue of the city to the urban poor, and through the feedback being met by the city government to the urban poor it is a great way to resolve and build a developing process. On the other hand, the distinct response is that the lobbying power of the urban poor should make the city government’s urban poor affairs be a department for the sector who needs to guide and supported in the community.

The prime reason the lawmakers are being influenced by the urban poor in making ordinances for their benefit is because they are mostly the masses, and as an individual’s perspective of politicians, it is an effective form of protecting their career to achieve the public interest and goals of the legislative branch. The local government perceives an effective lobbying, through constant dialogue and an organized sector the presence of the urban poor achieves its goal in seeking for further assistance and help to the city government.

To integrate the quantitative and qualitative method, the summary and conclusion of this study emerges the three important questions. On to the effectiveness of lobbying power of the Urban Poor, it resulted to a moderately effective lobbying based on the surveys and observations administered by the researcher. It resulted that the urban poor is moderately effective in lobbying because the urban poor sector felt indifferent in the society. To integrate the quantitative result, the qualitative method affirms that the urban poor obtain help from the government in exchange to some favors and the urban poor becomes significant when it comes to elections and support from the local government unit. On to the quantitative result of law-making process, the urban poor sector involve themselves through moderately effective political participation. They address sentiments and air out needs through seminars and gatherings. To affirm, the quantitative method resulted to a systematic development. It resulted that the urban poor sector becomes systematic, they group themselves to forward a certain goal and lobby for support and sustenance needed by the sector through the Urban Poor Federation.

Lastly, on the quantitative results on to how does the urban poor sector influence the lawmakers is through a moderately effective ability to interact and have a systematic and constructive effect to the lawmakers. To affirm, the quantitative method resulted to a systematic role of the urban poor that utilizes the existing ordinances that benefits and integrates the society as a whole.

CONCLUSIONS

In this study, it was found that the Urban Poor Sectors of Naga has a Moderately Effective Lobbying rating (mean score range of 2.50 to 3.49) after getting a mean score of 2.8552 in the Level of Effectiveness Survey Questionnaire. This result was affirmed in the qualitative method because of the existing mechanisms such as making ordinances that would benefit to the urban poor sector by the city government.

It was then identified that having a systematic and organized group is an effective protocol in urban poor’s involvement in the law-making process. It was found that the contributory factor is that they are considered the masses of the society that would have a huge implication during elections based on the analyzed findings, it was found that the urban poor sector has a moderately effective lobbying. This is because of the mean score received by the urban poor sector which placed in the Level of Effectiveness Survey Questionnaire. The urban poor sectors ensured its lobbying power to the government through their Ability to interact constructively with the law makers.

It has also been identified that the prime reason the lawmakers are being influenced by the urban poor in making ordinances for the urban poor’s benefit is because they are mostly the masses, and as an individual’s perspective of politicians, it is an effective form of protecting their career to achieve the public interest and goals of the legislative branch. The local government perceives an effective lobbying, through constant dialogue and an organized sector the presence of the urban poor achieves its goal in seeking for further assistance and help to the city government.

Through this present study, the researcher became aware of the perception of the Urban Poor Sectors of Naga City towards their local government. The measurement of the level of effectiveness of lobbying of the Urban Poor Sectors helped the researchers look into the perspectives of residents of Urban Poor on how important lobbying power is in the success of the relationship between them and the government.

Thus, coming up with the conclusion that lobbying is an effective protocol for the Urban Poor Sectors to desire and expect for government that will provide the best possible assistance and service, not only for them, but for the entire community.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The succeeding paragraphs are suggestions of the researcher based on the general results from the obtained data.

  1. The Local Government Unit of Naga may give priority to the urban poor sector in terms of livelihood development and implement the ordinances strictly. It can be done in order to grasp the Urban Poor’s trust to become a better provider of service to the sector.
  2. The Urban Poor Affairs Office (UPAO) and the Housing and Settlement Development Office (HSDO) must consistently monitor and recommend the Urban Poor Sectors of Naga City on the local governments’ mechanisms towards development. It must be strengthened in the local government unit of Naga since they are instruments of empowering the urban poor sectors.
  3. The Presidents and Members of the Urban Poor Sectors must strengthen their lobbying power to fully gauge their political maturity when it comes to political participation in addressing their needs and sentiments. Also, the residents of urban poor must continue to be concerned on how their government performs its functions and initiate actions which would develop their livelihood.
  4. Non-government organizations must create support mechanisms to the Urban Poor sectors of Naga City so that there would be no strong opposition to the proposed ordinances that they have lobbied. Thus, the sector would truly be empowered.
  5. Future researchers must conduct further and deeper studies on measuring the level of effectiveness of lobbying power of urban poor, it’s involvement in the law making process and how they influence the law makers in making ordinances beneficiary for the urban poor sector. Future researchers may also dwell on a larger scope of respondents and different research locale, not only in Naga City. Future researchers may employ a deeper quantitative and qualitative research design for better generalization and improvement of this study.

REFERENCES

  1. Administrative Order No. 111 (1986). Directing Concerned Government Departments, Agencies and Offices to Coordinate with the Presidential Commission for the Urban Poor. Retrived from http://www.pcup.gov.ph/html/relatedlaws/AO111.pdf
  2. Acemoglu D, Egorov G and Konstantin Sonin. (2011). A Political Theory of Populism.
  3. Angeles, L. (2007). Learning Civil Societies: Shifting context. Housing for Urban Poor. Retrived from google.com.ph/books?isbn=0802091199
  4. Austen-Smith & Wright. 1994. Lobbying Mechanisms. Retrieved from http:www.ftp.iza.org/lobbyingmechanisms.pdf
  5. Balkin, J. (1999). The Declaration and the Promise of a Democratic Culture. Yale Unversity, Connecticut.
  6. Boehner, J. 1996. Lobbyists in Less Developed Countries. Stanford University Press
  7. Campos, N. & Giovannoni, F. (2006). Lobbying, Corruption and Political Influence. Retrieved from http://ftp.iza.org/dp2313.pdf.
  8. Chambers, B. 2003. Empowerment of the poor.
  9. Cottarrell, Roger (1999). Emile Durkheim: Law in a Moral Domain. Stanford University Press/ Edinburgh University Press.
  10. Curtin, D. & Meijer, A. J. (2006). Does transparency strengthen legitimacy? Information Polity: The International Journal of Government & Democracy in the Information Age, 11(2), 109-122
  11. Executive Order No. 82. (1986). CREATING THE PRESIDENTIAL COMMITTEE FOR THE URBAN POOR. The LawPhil Project Arellano Law Foundation. Retrived from http://www.lawphil.net/executive/execord/eo1986/eo_82_1986.html
  12. Gerring, J & Thacker, S.C. (2004). Political Institutions and Corruptions: The role of unitarism and parliamentarism. British Journal of Political Science, 34 (2), 295-330
  13. Grossman & Helpman. 1999&2001. Lobbyists and Politicians.
  14. Locke, J. 2002. Freedom and democracy
  15. Otenyo, E.E & Lind, N.S (2004). Faces and phases of transparency reform in local government. International Journal of Public Administration, 27(5), 287-307.
  16. Most Clearing House Best Practices. (2008). Kaatnabay sa Kauswagan:An Urban Poor Program in Naga City, Philippines. Retrived from http://www.unesco.org/most/asia8.html
  17. Piotrowski, S.J., & Van Ryzin, G. G. (2007). Citizen attitudes toward transparency in local government. The American Review of Public Administration, 37, 3, 306-323.
  18. Robredo, J. (2006). Philippines during the Governance and Social Accountability Forum. Retrived from http://www.sasanet.org/documents/Resources/Governance_Social
  19. Philippine Agenda 21. (2002). Chapter 3: Implementation. Retrieved from http://www.psdn.org.ph/agenda21/implemen.html.
  20. Presidential Commission for the Urban Poor. (1986). Mission Vision. Retrived from http://www.pcup.gov.ph/html/relatedlaws/RelatedLaws.html
  21. Urban Poor Affairs Section. Retrived from http://www.naga.gov.ph
  22. Zakaria, G. 1998. Retrieved from http:www.adyt.pcup.html/democracy

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