Muhammadiyah’s Social Movement to Counter Christianization in Muna Society During the Pre-Independence Period of Indonesia

Muhammadiyah’s Social Movement to Counter Christianization in Muna Society During the Pre-Independence Period of Indonesia

Muhammad Alifuddin¹, Burhan^2*, La Ode Abdul Wahab³, Nurjannah⁴, Rosmini⁵

¹Lecturer at the Faculty of Sharia of Institut Agama Islam Negeri Kendari, Indonesia

^2,3,5Lecturer at the Faculty of Teacher Training and Education of Institut Agama Islam Negeri Kendari, Indonesia

⁴ Lecturer at the Faculty of Economics and Business of Institut Agama Islam Negeri Kendari, Indonesia

*Corresponding author

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.905000296

Received: 24 April 2025; Received: 08 May 2025; Accepted: 10 May 2025; Published: 12 June 2025

ABSTRACT

This research is descriptive-analytical in nature and aims to explain the motives and background of the Muhammadiyah socio-cultural movement in countering the wave of Christianization in Muna prior to Indonesian independence. The primary data sources for this study include written documents and in-depth interviews. All data were analyzed through the stages of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research concludes that, in a historical context, the presence of Christianity in Muna was an integral part of the Dutch colonial mission in collaboration with missionary efforts. The approach taken to gain the sympathy of the local population involved providing social assistance, such as educational services, with the condition of converting to Christianity. This reality prompted a reaction from Muhammadiyah, manifesting in both radical confrontational approaches (hard approach) and more moderate strategies (soft approach). The radical confrontational movement mobilized resistance against Dutch oppression of the indigenous people. In contrast, the second approach involved Muhammadiyah engaging in healthy competition by establishing schools for the local population. These facts demonstrate that Muhammadiyah’s efforts to counteract Christianization were not equivalent to an anti-Christian stance. The opposition arose because the Dutch and missionaries acted arbitrarily towards the people and exploited poverty to lead them to convert.

Kata kunci: Muhammadiyah, Muna and Christianization.

INTRODUCTION

Since its first interactions with the communities of the Indonesian archipelago, Muhammadiyah has positioned itself as a non-governmental organization (NGO). Through this existence, Muhammadiyah has consistently and continuously engaged in efforts for liberation and community empowerment across various fields, including social, cultural, educational, health, and economic sectors [1], [2]. In this context, Haq categorizes Muhammadiyah as a new social movement that integrates Islam with modern paradigms, focusing on personal aspects and human welfare [3]. In contrast to this perspective, some analysts categorize Muhammadiyah as a “puritan” Islamic organization, aimed at the purification and renewal of Islam. The genealogical roots of Muhammadiyah’s puritanism intersect with the reformist ideas of Sheikh Muhammad Abduh in Egypt (1849–1905)[4].

As a religious social movement within Islam, from its early establishment through the New Order era, Muhammadiyah has often been associated with movements that serve as a counterpoint to the Christian social movements, commonly referred to as “Christianization”[5]–[7]. Mukti Ali notes that one prominent factor in the founding of Muhammadiyah was to provide a counterbalance to the missionary activities of Catholic and Protestant groups [8]. For a considerable period, this perspective painted a less “friendly” image of Muhammadiyah towards Christian adherents [9]–[11].

This perspective is at least legitimized by historical data. Shihab, like Rohman, notes that long before Indonesia’s independence, Muhammadiyah demonstrated its role in society by establishing educational institutions, including the HIS Met de Quran on July 1, 1927. In 1939, Muhammadiyah founded the Frobelschool, or Aisyiyah Bustanul Athfal Kindergarten, in an effort to compete with the Catholic Church’s Frobelschool located near the Kauman Kindergarten. The historical reality cited serves as a foundational reference to position Muhammadiyah as an organization countering the Christianization movement. Nevertheless, this data and these facts must be examined thoroughly, considering the historical context that spurred Muhammadiyah’s activities against Christianization, allowing for an honest assessment of the existence of the Muhammadiyah movement.

In this context, it is intriguing to explore the historical background that led Muhammadiyah to emerge and actively counter Christian missions in the archipelago. Shihab, like Huda, states that Muhammadiyah took on the responsibility of resisting and challenging the activities of Christian missionaries, which were perceived as threatening the religious atmosphere of the Muslim community at the time [6]. Muhammadiyah’s stance of “resistance” against Christianization is closely linked to the early post-independence context in Indonesia, as it sought to shape its identity. The historical dynamics during this period were crucial in determining the theological and ideological identity of Indonesia as a free, sovereign, and independent nation [12].

Building on various studies that associate Muhammadiyah as a social entity opposing Christianization programs, this research aims to explore a similar focus but within a different context. Specifically, it investigates the social role of Muhammadiyah in the pre-independence period in Muna in countering Christianization efforts. This study is a systematic attempt to uncover the motivations behind Muhammadiyah’s resistance to the social programs of the Christian community in Muna. How were these movements conducted, and what implications did they have for Muhammadiyah?

Basic Theory

Social Movement Theory

Social Movement Theory (SMT) provides a framework for understanding organized collective action aimed at social change, emphasizing resource mobilization, exploitation of political opportunities, and the strategic framing of issues to garner support and justify action. Key elements of SMT include problem identification (diagnostic framing), proposing solutions (prognostic framing), providing a rationale for action (motivational framing), frame resonance with target audience values, and boundary activation to strengthen collective identity. Movements utilize various tactics and strategies, and their success hinges on the ability to effectively frame their message and leverage opportunities within the political and social environment [13]–[18].

Postcolonial Theory

The postcolonial concept strengthens the research argument regarding Muhammadiyah’s social movement in Muna by highlighting the legacy of colonial power and knowledge influencing Christianization efforts as part of a broader project of domination. Muhammadiyah, in this context, is viewed as resistance against colonial cultural and religious hegemony, striving to reclaim control over local narratives and identities often devalued in colonial discourse. As a modernist Islamic movement, Muhammadiyah reflects hybridity, integrating Islamic values with modern ideas and Western education, while maintaining their Muslim identity. By emphasizing local agency, the research demonstrates how the Muna community actively resisted Christianization and asserted their identity, connecting the Muhammadiyah movement with broader global power structures. Through a postcolonial lens, the research provides a deeper understanding of how this movement responded to the colonial legacy, affirmed local identity, and negotiated with global forces [19]–[22].

Dependency Theory

Dependency theory explains the imbalanced relationship between developing countries and developed nations, where economic advancement in central countries often occurs at the expense of peripheral nations. In this context, peripheral countries are trapped in a dependency that hinders their progress, relying on the export of raw materials while facing exploitation of resources and labor. This dependency not only creates economic disparities but also triggers a cultural identity crisis, marginalizing local values under dominant influences [23]–[25]. In the study of the Muhammadiyah social movement in Muna, dependency theory provides a deep understanding of how the Muna community strives to resist external influences, such as Christianization, while working to maintain their Islamic identity. This movement serves as a strategic response to cultural and economic domination that threatens local cultural continuity. By recognizing that cultural and economic dependency contributes to the marginalization of local values, Muhammadiyah can be seen as an effort to create a more just and sustainable alternative in the face of social and economic inequalities. The theory emphasizes that underdevelopment in peripheral countries, including Indonesia, is not a natural condition but rather the result of a historical process marked by unequal integration into the global market.

Modernization Theory

Modernization theory posits that societies progress through a series of stages toward a more advanced and industrialized state, characterized by technological advancement, economic growth, and the adoption of Western values. This theory often frames development as a linear process, where traditional societies transform into modern ones through the influence of external factors such as foreign investment and cultural exchange [26]–[33]. In the context of the Muhammadiyah social movement in Muna, modernization theory can be utilized to analyze how the movement advocates for social reform and educational advancement as means to achieve progress and empowerment within the community. By emphasizing the importance of modern values, such as education and civic engagement, Muhammadiyah seeks to navigate the challenges posed by external influences, including religious conversion, while simultaneously fostering a sense of identity and cultural resilience. This approach aligns with the broader narrative of modernization, where local actors actively participate in shaping their own development trajectory, thus reinforcing the relevance of modernization theory in understanding the dynamics of social change in Muna.

RESEARCH METHODS

This research employs a descriptive-analytical approach based on qualitative data [34]–[39]. As a study aiming to depict the reality of the Muhammadiyah social movement in the pre-independence era, it necessitates the researcher to conduct this research based on historical methods and procedures [37], [40]–[44]. The primary data sources for this research include written documents such as books [45], [46], government and organizational archives, research findings [47], newspapers, magazines, and others.

In addition, the author conducted interviews with Muhammadiyah figures (two individuals, Alimuddin and AAA) and other parties (one individual, Arqali) who understand the focus of this research. All informants were male, with one being 52 years old (Alimuddin) and the other two being over 80 years old (Arqali and AAA), yet still possessing the capacity and trust of the wider community, both at the Muna Regency and Southeast Sulawesi Province levels.

All data obtained were analyzed through the mechanisms of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography [27]–[30]. Furthermore, the data analysis also considers aspects of Islamic humanist hermeneutics (Alak, 2023) [51], highlighting the importance of the human factor and the limitations of human understanding in the interpretation of religious texts, including the Qur’an.

FINDINGS

1) Islam and Christianity in Muna

a). Islam and History of his Presence in Muna

The presence of Islam in Muna is an inseparable part of the process of Islamization in the Southeast Sulawesi Peninsula during the early 16th century. This event was marked by the conversion of the King and the people of Buton to Islam in 1511 AD, followed by the transformation of the Buton kingdom into a sultanate [45]. This  historical fact established Buton as the epicenter of Islam in Southeast Sulawesi.

From Buton, Islam subsequently entered and developed in various regions of Southeast Sulawesi, including Muna, Konawe, and Wawonii. A central figure in the history of Islam in Southeast Sulawesi is Sheikh Abdul Wahid. Not long after Islam established its influence in Buton, the religion spread to Muna. There is a consensus that all Islamic propagators who arrived in Muna did so via Buton [46]. Several historical records indicate that Islam began to take root in Muna in the 16th century. This assumption is supported by the geographical proximity of Buton and Muna, the latter being an integral part of the Buton Sultanate, which held autonomous rights referred to locally as Barata [46]. Islam was embraced by the people of Muna during the reign of the 16th King of Muna, La Posasu.

b). Christianity: History and Presence in Muna

In addition to Islam, there are also a number of people in Muna who embrace Christianity, particularly Catholicism. This reality is closely linked to the influence of Dutch colonialism. Historical records from Southeast Sulawesi indicate that the presence of Christianity in Muna coincided with the arrival of the Dutch, particularly through officials in each district capital. The movement and missions of Christianity were accompanied by educational and social initiatives. At that time, nearly the entire population of Southeast Sulawesi had adopted Islam, although the depth of understanding and adherence to its teachings and laws had not yet been fully realized by all members of the community [45].

The Dutch colonizers who entered Southeast Sulawesi, including Muna, not only colonized the region but also spread Christianity. Many elders in Muna were influenced to convert to Christianity because the Dutch offered a better quality of life, including assistance with staple foods and other goods. Additionally, they promised education for those who converted to Christianity. This reality of hardship was exploited by Christians who aligned themselves with the Dutch colonizers. This approach proved effective in persuading impoverished villagers with low levels of education to change their religion [45].

Although the context differs, the Dutch colonial government’s experience in empowering indigenous peasants through agricultural extension [52] offers an interesting perspective on how strategies for improving welfare and knowledge can be used as part of a social movement. Just as agricultural extension aimed to improve the living standards of farmers through increased productivity and knowledge [52], Muhammadiyah in Muna also sought to improve the welfare of the Muslim community through education and social services.

Muhammadiyah, as a modernist Islamic movement, recognized that poverty and ignorance could make communities vulnerable to external influences, including Christianization. Therefore, Muhammadiyah established schools, hospitals, and other social institutions to improve the quality of life of the Muslim community in Muna (this narrative needs to be supported by relevant sources about Muhammadiyah in Muna). By providing access to modern education and health services, Muhammadiyah sought to empower the Muslim community in Muna to be more independent and have stronger social resilience.

Just as agricultural extension in the colonial era contributed to increased exports of indigenous agricultural products [52], Muhammadiyah’s empowerment efforts in Muna were expected to strengthen Muslim identity and reduce the appeal of Christianization. Thus, the Muhammadiyah social movement can be seen as a comprehensive strategy that focuses not only on religious aspects but also on improving the welfare and knowledge of the community as a bulwark against external influences.

2). Muhammadiyah in Muna: The Pre-Independence Era

Muhammadiyah was founded by KH. Ahmad Dahlan in Yogyakarta in 1912. In its early years, the organization focused primarily on the island of Java. During the colonial period, the spread of this organization was limited due to strict oversight from the Dutch authorities. As an Islamic organization, Muhammadiyah was viewed with suspicion because its ideals were seen as conflicting with the religion promoted by the Dutch colonizers [53]. Nevertheless, ethnographic reports by Peacock indicate that by 1939, just 27 years after its founding, Muhammadiyah had established 1,744 schools [54]. These services were dedicated to enlightening the minds of local children, who faced significant difficulties accessing education under the hegemony of Dutch colonial rule [55].

The demands of Islamic outreach to enlighten the lives of Muslim communities prompted Muhammadiyah cadres to expand their reach throughout the archipelago. The movement of Muhammadiyah beyond the boundaries of Java was an unavoidable necessity. Two main reasons can be cited for this reality. First, the early founders of Muhammadiyah were primarily engaged in inter-island trading. This profession required them to travel extensively to promote their goods in various markets, often crossing oceans. Such opportunities allowed Muhammadiyah cadres to introduce the organization as they navigated different regions. Second, as a missionary organization, Muhammadiyah aimed to provide religious enlightenment to the community. This orientation necessitated a progressive approach to outreach, aimed at bringing people closer to their faith. From its inception, Muhammadiyah sent its cadres to various areas as representatives, tasked with teaching Islam and promoting the organization’s values [47].

In 1922, Muhammadiyah established its presence in Makassar through a batik trader of Arab descent from Sumenep (Madura) named Mansyur Yamani. He arrived to start his business on Passarstraat (Nusantara Street). Yamani was recorded as a member of the Muhammadiyah branch in Surabaya, which was then led by KH. Mas Mansyur. As a trader and Muhammadiyah activist, Yamani promoted the organization’s ideas and spread its influence in Makassar. From Makassar, Muhammadiyah expanded into Southeast Sulawesi. The presence of Muhammadiyah in Muna is closely linked to the movement of its cadres from South Sulawesi. It is important to note that before independence and for six years afterward, this region was an integral part of South Sulawesi, then known as Southeast South Sulawesi. Consequently, the officials and government employees in this area mostly hailed from Makassar, the epicenter of Southeast South Sulawesi [56]. Historical records from Southeast Sulawesi indicate that in 1929, the influence of Muhammadiyah reached several areas, including Kolaka, Kendari, Buton, and Muna. In Muna, the movement was spearheaded by an assistant named Zainuddin Daeng Mandrapi, who quietly established and promoted Muhammadiyah’s outreach. Zainuddin’s efforts received positive responses from Abdul Kadir, then head of Forestry, as well as local leaders such as La Kare and La Ode Buntu, who later took on leadership roles within Muhammadiyah in Muna [45].

The movement of Muhammadiyah in Muna remains integrated with the central Muhammadiyah organization. In their efforts to develop the organization, the initiators of Muhammadiyah in Muna continued to communicate with the central leadership, facilitated by Said Jafar and Matingi in South Sulawesi [45]. Once established, Muhammadiyah gradually gained acceptance from the local community, particularly among the educated class in Muna. Historical records indicate that the community’s positive response to Muhammadiyah was due to two main factors: (a) the consolidation and renewal of Islam, which was particularly beneficial for those coming from outside (government employees) who had witnessed the progress of Islam and its aspirations in other regions, especially in their places of origin; and (b) the arrival of Catholic missions in Southeast Sulawesi, which some Islamic leaders perceived as a threat  [45].

Just as the indigenous community in San Emilio strives to preserve their cultural practices such as Pidis, Sakeb, and Dwayya [57] through collective practice and inheritance to younger generations, Muhammadiyah in Muna also undertook similar efforts to strengthen Muslim identity. Muhammadiyah established schools and Islamic educational institutions to instill religious and cultural values in the younger generation of Muslims in Muna (this narrative needs to be supported by relevant sources about Muhammadiyah in Muna). In addition, Muhammadiyah was also active in social and religious activities aimed at strengthening brotherhood and reinforcing the collective identity of Muslims in Muna.

3). Social and Cultural Movements of Muhammadiyah at the Grassroots Level

The presence of Muhammadiyah in Muna during 1929-1930 brought a new dynamic to the local community, making the process of social dialectics increasingly vibrant. These years marked a crucial period for the Indonesian nation as it sought to consolidate, following the declaration made a year earlier by youth from various organizations across the archipelago. They united in a commitment to live as one nation, one homeland, and one language: Indonesia. This significant social event is known as the Youth Pledge, which took place on October 28, 1928. The spirit of nationalism embodied in the Youth Pledge was integrated by Muhammadiyah cadres with the spirit of Islamic outreach. The vision and mission of promoting good and preventing wrongdoing, which form the foundation of Muhammadiyah’s movement, merged with a sense of national identity. This perspective had a significant impact on the enthusiasm of Muhammadiyah cadres, motivating them to adopt a more progressive stance and resist the anarchic actions of Dutch colonizers.

In the context of Southeast Sulawesi, the active involvement of Muhammadiyah in initiating, building, and realizing the vision of nationalism is documented in the History of Southeast Sulawesi. This document notes that Muhammadiyah, PARINDRA, and PSII are three social organizations that played significant roles in promoting and embodying the ideas of nationalism on the island of Anoa  [45]. Unlike PARINDRA and PSII, which are political parties, Muhammadiyah is a purely social organization rooted in Islam. Its aim is to advance the outreach of promoting good and preventing wrongdoing, with the goal of creating a progressive and thriving society [45].

The orientation and foundational character of Muhammadiyah as a missionary movement necessitate that its members actively engage in social spaces to build and enact social change. During the struggle for independence, when social realities demanded that every element of the nation participate, Muhammadiyah cadres played a vital role. The oppressive political hegemony of the Dutch prompted Muhammadiyah members to join forces with other groups to protect the nation from intimidation and exploitation. For Muhammadiyah, the fight for independence is a responsibility and duty of every citizen, and opposition to colonialism is an integral part of their mission to promote good and prevent wrongdoing.

Such movements are explicitly reflected in the historical record of Muhammadiyah in Muna during the pre-independence era. The resistance by Muhammadiyah against the “dirty” maneuvers of the Dutch colonizers arose from two primary issues: 1) the imposition of oppressive taxes on the people, and 2) the collaboration between the Dutch and Catholic missionaries to spread their religion among a populace that was already Muslim, exploiting the poverty that was intentionally created by the colonizers. In response to these issues, prominent Muhammadiyah figures, who were also local religious leaders—such as La Kare, La Mane, Bakarang, La Ode Buntu, and La Ati—conducted social movements. Meanwhile, the Muhammadiyah activists in the villages included La Kaniha (Bangkali), La Padoi (Batuputih), La Ode Zulfakar (Tawehu), and La Ode Rauf (Masalihi). These leaders took positive initiatives to rally the community against colonial policies [45].

These local leaders stood at the forefront, resisting and opposing the Dutch and the missionaries. Laode Arqam Ali noted that the growth and progressive movement of Muhammadiyah in Muna before the dawn of independence were primarily fueled by the reality of the Christianization programs carried out by missionaries. Challenged by this issue, many young people in Muna, grounded in their religious beliefs, were drawn to join Muhammadiyah to help counter the tide of Christianization [47]. Based on written records and accounts from various informants, it can be stated that the Muhammadiyah movement in Muna, from a cultural-historical perspective, essentially represented a resistance against the oppressive Dutch colonizers who exploited the community both economically and spiritually. The dual social issues of economic oppression through taxation and the conversion of Muslims sharpened the socio-cultural sensitivity of the local population, motivating them to rise and act to protect their descendants from the dangers of conversion and to liberate the community from the grip of Dutch colonialism [47].

4). The Muhammadiyah Movement Against Christianization

The reality of 1929-1930 (the early period when the Muna community became acquainted with Muhammadiyah) was a socially dynamic situation that marked the beginning of the national awakening concept for the Indonesian nation. The Muhammadiyah social movement was a systematic effort by the nation’s youth to liberate the country from the grip of colonialism. The sharp claws of colonial power, which had clutched Indonesia for years, resulted in loss, suffering, and hardship for the children of Indonesia across the archipelago. Confronted with the social, cultural, and political realities that constrained them, several Muhammadiyah cadres in Muna, like other youth of the nation, rose to resist. Historical data indicates that the resistance of the Muna community against Dutch hegemony was, in part, channeled and led by the Muhammadiyah movement [45].

The resistance of the community and elements of Muhammadiyah became increasingly intense, radical, and confrontational with the emergence of secret terms that expressed their opposition to the social, political, and economic policies of the Dutch that oppressed the people. Among these terms were LEOKATA (opposing Europeans for their injustice) and KANEKO (empty Netherlands) [45]. These two slogans were communicated to the community with the aim of igniting and awakening a sense of nationalism and patriotism among the local population to rise up against Dutch hegemony. The backdrop of this strong opposition was the colonial authorities’ implementation and enforcement of oppressive taxes that suffocated the people.

In addition to mobilizing the “emotional” side of the community to correct and resist colonial policies, Muhammadiyah also took concrete actions on the ground. This included establishing educational institutions to provide local people with access to education. This effort aimed to counter the earlier initiatives of the Zending and the Dutch, who had established schools that served as tools for proselytization within the community.

As mentioned earlier, Christianity entered Muna alongside the Dutch colonizers in 1915. From a historical perspective, it can be confirmed that Christianity arrived in Muna when the local community had already embraced Islam for about two centuries. However, due to the socio-economic conditions of the impoverished local population, coupled with Dutch policies imposing taxes on the indigenous people, many in Muna found themselves in dire situations. One social implication of the poverty they experienced was that many could not attend school or receive an education. The Dutch and the Zending took advantage of this social situation by enticing the local community with promises of educational services. This phenomenon certainly opened up hopes for locals to educate their children. Unfortunately, the Zending’s efforts to enlighten the minds of the community were not altruistic; those seeking educational opportunities were required to convert their religion.

This reality prompted a response from Muhammadiyah cadres in Muna. For Muhammadiyah, providing educational services with the condition of religious conversion was an inhumane act. In response to the “underhanded” tactics of the Zending, which operated alongside the Dutch, Muhammadiyah initiated the establishment of schools for local children. Under the leadership of La Ati, Muhammadiyah founded a school in Raha, while La Kare spearheaded the establishment of a school in Mabolu [45]. These efforts by Muhammadiyah cadres aimed to provide educational services to fulfill the basic rights of the community, as well as to empower the intellect of the local population.

The active efforts of Muhammadiyah in establishing schools in Raha and Mabolu served not only as a form of resistance against the colonizers and the Zending, who exploited the poverty of the community, but also as a testament to Muhammadiyah’s social commitment and spirit of nationalism. In the social context of the 1930s, educational services were crucial for the community, especially since access to education was still largely exclusive, available only to certain segments of the population [55].

The findings of Lia & Aarseth’s (2022) study on jihadist perspectives towards Christian minorities in the Middle East, revealing dynamism and the expectation that Christian minorities act as compliant citizens within an Islamic state, are relevant to the context of the Muhammadiyah movement in Muna during the pre-independence era; although Muhammadiyah also viewed Christianization as a threat to Muslim identity, this movement differed from jihadist groups by choosing peaceful and constructive socio-cultural approaches, such as establishing schools and social organizations, to improve community welfare, strengthen Islamic understanding, assert Islamic dominance, and reduce the appeal of Christianization [58].

The study of Ufipa society before the arrival of missionaries [59] challenges Eurocentric views that denigrated pre-colonial African societies. The article demonstrates that Ufipa society possessed complex social, political, and economic systems, as well as deep religious beliefs. This is relevant to the context of the Muhammadiyah movement in Muna, which also sought to counter colonial narratives and strengthen Muslim identity amidst the influence of Christianization.

Just as Ufipa society had a hierarchical political structure with leaders (Mwene) who held social, political, and economic power [59], Muhammadiyah in Muna also had a strong organizational structure with respected religious and intellectual leaders. Muhammadiyah utilized this structure to organize educational, social, and religious activities aimed at strengthening Muslim identity and curbing Christianization.

Furthermore, Ufipa society had a rich traditional belief system with reverence for Leza (God) and Amaleza (ancestral spirits) [59]. Although Muhammadiyah is a modernist Islamic movement focused on purifying Islamic teachings, Muhammadiyah in Muna also respected local traditions and cultures that did not conflict with Islamic principles[i]. By combining Islamic values with local culture, Muhammadiyah sought to create a strong and relevant Muslim identity for the people of Muna, thereby reducing the appeal of Christianization.

DISCUSSION

1.     Patterns and Forms of Muhammadiyah’s Movement in Countering the Wave of Christianization

Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has consistently shown concern for the community. The cadres of Muhammadiyah operating in the regions possess social sensitivity to the conditions of the people, addressing social, economic, and ideological aspects. As a result, they pay close attention to the dynamics, developments, and directions of every social entity active in the community. During the struggle for independence, the Dutch, wielding their power as colonizers, maintained control over every movement and social action of the people. This approach of the Dutch also became a focal point for Muhammadiyah. Similarly, the presence of the Zending in Muna did not escape Muhammadiyah’s scrutiny. Therefore, the activities of the Zending, supported and protected by the Dutch in spreading Christianity among rural communities in Muna, prompted the Muhammadiyah community to question and ultimately resist this tide.

The “resistance” undertaken by Muhammadiyah against the movement of Christianization is not without reason. It arises not only because the efforts of Christianization target populations that already hold beliefs, but also because the actions of the Zending in carrying out its mission are inextricably linked to the political activities of Dutch colonization. The collaboration between the Zending and the Dutch colonizers indicates the presence of “intimidation” through coercion of local residents who already have established beliefs to convert their religion. The logical argument supporting this thesis is that colonizers tend to employ force and violence against communities when their planned programs receive little or no response. Although the violence in this context does not always manifest as physical abuse, it can also take the form of boycotts or barriers to social, economic, and cultural access. One instance of violence and intimidation perpetrated by the Dutch against the Muna community was the obstruction and closure of access to social rights, particularly in education. For those who wished to receive educational services from the institutions established by the Zending, the Dutch required local residents to change their beliefs.

The approach of the Dutch and the Zending, as mentioned above, served as a catalyst for social movements and resistance against Christianization efforts. For Muhammadiyah, opposing the methods of the Dutch and the Zending is an inseparable part of their dakwah movement, promoting good and resisting oppression. This vision is a fundamental principle of Muhammadiyah’s mission. Therefore, in every place they are present, the Muhammadiyah community feels compelled to care for social conditions. The critical, tactical, and strategic actions demonstrated by Muhammadiyah cadres in opposing the movement of Christianization in pre-independence Muna are clear evidence of their commitment and firm stance against the policies of the Dutch and the Zending.

The case of Christianization in Muna during the pre-independence era highlights the presence of a group, namely the Dutch and the Zending, collaborating to mobilize pressure on the local community to convert their religion. The involvement of the Dutch in the Christianization mission serves as an indication that the spread of Christianity in Muna was intertwined with the political power of the colonizers. In response to this reality, Muhammadiyah emerged as a frontline force, engaging in resistance and opposition. In this context, it can be stated that the efforts to counter the wave of Christianization led by Muhammadiyah cadres should not only be viewed through the lens of religious sentiment but also as a defense of civil rights for individuals to practice their beliefs peacefully and without coercion from any party.

The fact that the people of Muna chose Islam as their indigenous religion since the 16th century, more than two centuries before the arrival of the Zending and the Dutch, reinforces the researcher’s belief that the rise of Christianity among some local residents around 1915–1930 was likely a result of coercion or intimidation. This perspective is supported by two data-driven arguments. First, the document “Sejarah Kebangkitan Nasional Daerah Sulawesi Tenggara” indicates that during this period, children in the interior of Muna were allowed to attend Dutch schools, provided they converted to Christianity [55]. Second, the history of Christianization in the archipelago is intrinsically linked to the Dutch colonization mission. In this context, it is understandable why the Zending received support from the Dutch [60], [61]. This reality fueled the determination of Muhammadiyah cadres in Muna to mobilize resistance against Dutch policies.

The analysis of the factors behind Muhammadiyah’s resistance to the Christianization movement in Muna reveals that their opposition is not solely based on religious sentiment. This resistance arises because the efforts to spread Christianity target individuals who are already adherents of Islam and are carried out through intimidation, including the closure of educational access for Muslim communities. In response to this situation, Muhammadiyah adopted two approaches: a radical confrontational approach and a cultural approach.

First, the radical confrontational approach represents an organized social movement by Muhammadiyah. This movement mobilizes grassroots emotions and mass power to oppose Dutch policies that harm the people and the Muslim community. In this effort, Muhammadiyah cadres instill the belief that the social actions of the Dutch are immoral and therefore must be resisted. In this context, they developed the slogan LEOKATA (oppose Europeans for their injustice), which explicitly conveys that Muhammadiyah members aim to foster an understanding among local communities that the Dutch, representing Europe, are intimidators who undermine justice, leaving the local population deprived of their rights.

Another slogan used to shape public perception of the Dutch is KANEKO (Empty Netherlands). This slogan carries a sentimental message, indicating that the oppressive tax policies affecting the community stem from the weakening financial power of the colonizers. Thus, defiance or refusal to pay taxes by the community would further diminish the position and strength of the Dutch. Therefore, resistance and opposition are viewed as effective means to end Dutch tyranny over the people. This discourse-based resistance was followed by concrete actions on the ground by Muhammadiyah members against the Christianization efforts led by Zending agents, particularly Pastor Spel in Lasaheo.

Second, the cultural approach employed by Muhammadiyah in its mission to counter the wave of Christianization extends beyond mere discourse aimed at shaping public opinion and mobilizing emotions against the Dutch. They actively followed up with concrete efforts to fulfill the community’s cultural desire for education. In this context, Muhammadiyah established two schools to serve the people of Muna, enabling them to learn without compromising their beliefs. This approach reflects the core character of Muhammadiyah’s movement since its inception. Cholis and Subarkah note that throughout its history, Muhammadiyah has continually strengthened the nation’s resources, both during times of crisis and when the economy improves, in order to provide social services. Indeed, Muhammadiyah has consistently offered welfare services to the community, even during periods of colonial oppression [62].

In principle, the resistance to the wave of Christianization through educational initiatives is a fundamental characteristic of Muhammadiyah, exemplified by KH Ahmad Dahlan. Historical evidence shows that Dahlan addressed the Christianization efforts in an “elegant” manner while simultaneously fostering a dialectical interaction with relevant parties. He engaged in discussions and scholarly debates with Christian leaders. Dahlan even “learned” from the advancements in the educational systems and institutions established by Christian groups, adopting certain methods and approaches from Christianity to enhance social initiatives, such as building schools, healthcare facilities, and orphanages.

Dahlan “fought” against Christianization programs by cultivating a progressive vision among Muhammadiyah cadres, offering tangible actions for the community. As Shihab noted, in countering Christianization, Dahlan engaged in healthy competition, directing his opposition toward the Dutch. “To combat this Christianization, Muhammadiyah did not resort to physical violence, but instead employed a strategy focused on educational development” [63].

Just as Yoshizawa (2024) [64] found that ‘Balik-Islam’ individuals in the Southern Philippines often maintain relationships with their Christian family and friends, and even adopt some Christian religious practices, Muhammadiyah in Muna also strived to build harmonious relationships with other religious groups. Muhammadiyah not only focused on religious aspects but also on improving the social and economic welfare of the Muslim community in Muna[ii]. Thus, Muhammadiyah sought to create a social environment conducive to the growth and development of a strong Muslim identity.

2.     Evaluating Muhammadiyah’s Approach to Countering Christianization and Its Implications

From the perspective of the indigenous people, Muhammadiyah’s movement to establish and provide educational services is seen as a patriotic and commendable act. However, the Dutch colonial government viewed this movement as a threat to their existence in Muna. In other words, the Dutch felt disturbed by the socio-cultural initiatives launched by Muhammadiyah members (Alifuddin, 2019).

Additionally, various slogans developed by Muhammadiyah figures sparked and awakened a sense of nationalism and patriotism among the local community, motivating them to resist Dutch hegemony. The Dutch believed that Muhammadiyah leaders incited the populace to refuse to pay taxes, which were burdensome, especially during the economic crisis. They also accused Muhammadiyah figures of insulting Pastor Spels, who established a church and school in Lasehao, through provocative preaching.

The resistance from Muhammadiyah members was intense, marked by the emergence of secret terms that galvanized public opposition against the Dutch. Among these terms were Leokata (oppose Europeans for their injustice) and Kaneko (Empty Netherlands) [63].

The peak of the Dutch suspicions and fears regarding Muhammadiyah led to the arrest and exile of several prominent figures, including La Kare and La Buntu. Before being exiled, La Kare was detained for two months in Raha, followed by six months in Makassar, two years in Selayar, and finally four years in Bulukumba. In total, La Kare served six years and six months in prison, while La Buntu was held for five years in Makassar. Additionally, Zainuddin Dg. Manrapi and Abdul Kadir were dismissed from their positions as HBA and Head of Forestry in Muna [63].

After the prominent figures of Muhammadiyah were exiled, the organization’s activities gradually faded until they were no longer visible on the surface. However, thanks to the historical legacy left by the Muhammadiyah generation in Muna, their movements and efforts were later immortalized in the historical record as a significant milestone in the national awakening struggle in this region. The history of Muhammadiyah’s struggle in Muna serves as a model not only for its members and the people of Muna but also for all elements of the nation regarding resistance and hard work without fear, aimed at building and liberating the country from foreign intervention, both through oral advocacy and concrete actions on the ground.

Lia & Aarseth’s (2022) study on jihadist perspectives of Christian minorities in the Middle East reveals that these views are not monolithic or static, but evolve with the dynamics of political and social conflicts in the region. While often suspicious and hostile towards Christian minorities, jihadist groups do not ideologically define them as the primary enemy. Instead, they expect Christian minorities to act as compliant citizens within an Islamic state, with rights and obligations governed by Islamic law [58]. This finding is relevant to the context of the Muhammadiyah movement in Muna during the pre-independence period. Muhammadiyah, as a modernist Islamic movement, aimed to purify Islamic teachings from syncretic practices and strengthen Muslim identity. In this context, Muhammadiyah viewed Christianization activities as a threat to the Muslim identity of the Muna community. However, unlike jihadist groups that employ violence, Muhammadiyah chose a socio-cultural approach to counter Christianization, establishing schools, hospitals, and other social organizations to improve community welfare and strengthen their understanding of Islamic teachings. Thus, the Muhammadiyah movement in Muna can be seen as an effort to assert Islamic dominance through peaceful and constructive means, distinct from the violent approach used by jihadist groups, striving to demonstrate that Islam can provide solutions to the social and economic problems faced by the community, thereby strengthening their faith in Islamic teachings and reducing the appeal of Christianization[iii].

CONCLUSION

Long before Christianity took root in Muna, Islam had already become the faith of the local community. Islam arrived in Muna in the early 16th century, while Christianity only began to reach the people of Muna in the early 19th century, introduced by Dutch colonizers. Subsequently, the Dutch collaborated with Zending to carry out Christianization efforts. Thus, in a historical context, the existence of Christianity in Muna is closely tied to the presence of Dutch colonial rule, if not an integral part of the colonial agenda.

Among the methods used to gain the sympathy of the local community, Zending and the Dutch facilitated social assistance, such as providing educational services. However, these services were conditional upon converting to Christianity. In response to this reality, Muhammadiyah opposed these efforts through both radical confrontational approaches and cultural movements that employed a softer approach. The radical confrontational movement involved mobilizing resistance against the Dutch’s arbitrary actions towards the local population. In contrast, the second approach was implemented by Muhammadiyah through concrete actions, such as establishing schools for the indigenous people in Raha and Mabolu.

This fact indicates that Muhammadiyah’s movement to curb the tide of Christianization is not equivalent to an anti-Christian stance, at least not entirely based on religious sentiment. Muhammadiyah’s opposition was primarily due to the arbitrary actions of the Dutch and Zending, as proponents of Christianity, who exploited the people’s poverty to encourage conversion.

RECOMMENDATION

To enhance the global competitiveness of local historical research, two transformative approaches can be implemented. First, integrate global perspectives into local historical narratives through the lens of Islamic humanist hermeneutics. This approach enables an in-depth analysis of how global forces such as colonialism and ideology interact with local contexts. For example, examine how Muhammadiyah in Muna adapted Islamic reformist ideas from the Middle East to counter Christianization and strengthen local Muslim identity. In doing so, research can uncover the complexities of global-local interactions and how local communities respond to and shape their identities within global dynamics.

Second, increase the global relevance of local historical research by comparing local social movements with relevant global case studies. Compare the Muhammadiyah movement in Muna with other social movements that sought to resist external influences and strengthen local identities, such as the Ufipa society in Tanzania or the “Balik-Islam” movement in the Southern Philippines. This comparative analysis will identify universal patterns in social movements, such as the role of local leadership, mass mobilization strategies, and the adaptation of global ideologies to local contexts. As a result, local historical research can make significant contributions to the theoretical understanding of social movements and identify the local contingency factors that influence the success or failure of such movements.

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FOOTNOTES

[i] Interview with Arqali (name anonymized), an 80-year-old respected elder in the Muna community who possesses several old archives related to the establishment of Muhammadiyah schools in Muna. He was interviewed on September 19, 2021, at his residence in Raha City, Muna Regency, Southeast Sulawesi Province, Indonesia.

[ii] Interview with Alimudin, a 52-year-old male interviewed on December 12, 2021, at the Muhammadiyah Regional Leadership Office in Muna. At the time of the interview, he was serving as the secretary of the Muhammadiyah Regional Leadership of Muna.

[iii] Interview with AAA (name anonymized) on December 13, 2023, at the Muhammadiyah Office of Southeast Sulawesi in Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia. He is an octogenarian who is still entrusted as the Chairman of the Regional Leadership of Muhammadiyah for the Southeast Sulawesi Province of Indonesia until 2027.