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Understanding Informal Governance: Perspectives of Bangladesh

Understanding Informal Governance: Perspectives of Bangladesh

Faisal Emon

Government and Politics, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh

DOI: https://doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.12040041

Received: 07 April 2025; Revised: 19 April 2025; Accepted: 25 April 2025; Published: 05 May 2025

ABSTRACT

Informal governance is of different patterns nationally and globally. Such patterns can be supportive to formal governance for establishing good governance, or profitable for power abuse, which creates ambiguity in its uses or implementation.

Governance has been involved in many dimensions to support and deviate individuals, societies, and the State. This multitudinous coverage seeks for governing the citizens mostly under a formal setting with an institutionalized law and order system legislated. In the perspective of Bangladesh, governance is neither good nor bad in ensuring law and order. This is because state actors (whether political, bureaucratic, secretarial, representative) have been performing their duties without mass peoples’ political agenda as if everybody feels he knows better. Imams (Mosque), teachers, private job holders, business persons, industrialists, civil societies, street beggars, drivers, grocers, and other various professionals might think of their country individually not collectively. Many men many minds tendency can have for sure. But, for the nationality identity, all the peoples of a country are the same. What is noticeable is that developing countries have been nerving much to fulfill certain portion of peoples’ demands in their living well comparably from the mediocre economic condition of the marginalized or deprived population. On the other hand, the developed countries seek skilled immigrants to fill in their workload of multi- businesses.

Under these circumstances, the concept of what is right and what is wrong is baffling towards a mass consumption of needs and demands though it has been providing so many critical observations with the common people by the civil societies and critiques. Price hiking, unemployment, hijacking, theft, unfair means, price differences among local and exported commodities, vagabond movement, workless fatigue, dependency, racketeering, propaganda, news hiding, etc. are in the dailies. This is as true as massive development projects being underway that can consolidate Bangladesh to become one of the largest economy growth countries.

Understanding governance in light of informal setting is what this research is focusing on. Informal is the word much connoted to something familiar, cordial, unruly, soft, amicable, expressive, etc. which is shaded by formal atmosphere and vice versa. The research tries to find where informal governance is active to what purpose. It has different meanings nationwide. EU emphasizes informal governance to be more proactive with shared thoughts than formal governance. Africa finds informal governance to augment public desire in shelter of illegal ways of how things get easily done.

Asia marks informal governance (inactive) eroding under its historically etymological definition. This happens keeping pace with the social capital coverage. Many informal activities for easy access to profession, advantages for a particular community are as visual for personal relief as other self-help services for mental and spiritual satisfaction. Informal governance is prevalent also in Latin America in its wider appliances, i.e., settlement, employment, economic development, shared community, accommodating support, earning, political strength in legalizing the illegal, etc. Not institutionally conventional, written, codified, formally bound to execute state-oriented activities, the Informal governance is of different dimensions society wise and country wise.

INTRODUCTION

Introduction

Governance in a state to flourish is a governance the state is directed with. State to develop in fulfilling citizens’ demands upon fundamentals is a state to be reliable to the citizenry. Either overtly or covertly, state building arsenals are its population to account for granted. State and governance are quite natural as human and humankind. Ever-changing phenomena are the governance systems with some of them prioritized to govern on intellectual scale upon an individual, and collective individuals. The governing and the governed are not a two-surfacing coin; they are two distinguished selves over what to own for developing and sustaining.

Upon such comprehensibility, my discussion is on informal governance keeping variable of formal governance as independent and vice versa. To discuss this topic further in as many phases as possible followed by local and international uses of this term, I try to rummage this historically engrafted norm and custom through various uses of informal governance across the globe. Having read and by reading in a specific time table academically, I come to a point that informal governance is prevalent in every social and socio-economic, and socio-political grounds. Such vague or intrinsic idea or concept of informal governance is present not only to a family but also to a society as communication and expectation unit. As I move across and forward over informal governance pervasiveness, I try to go through as many components as possible relating to state and state oriented activities. Informal governance has to find existence with below communication chain.

Society has social norms to be practiced. Society exists with its agencies to carry out social activities under social stratification, control, conflict. Socializing human beings upon individual and collective activities is a process which indicates economic status and development. To capitalize it, there function both political involvement and socialization in order to signify political economy that can consolidate national development with the participation of the mass people. This should be the constitutional authenticity as the mainstream of development. This development is industry based, community based, and personal entrepreneurship based. To this development, are there included a mass collaboration of production. As my discussion advances, I will show the scope and various aspects of informal governance.

Background: Informal Governance

Human being to civilize is an evolutionary process from time immemorial with his needs like fundamental, survival, political, social, socio-logical, religious, scientific, and what not, prioritized respectively for his chronological development. He needs to be administrative as he is grown up in civilization. State oriented, society prone, human being creates faculties and institutes to advance his activities validly. His development actions to form in united ways bound him to build society for his first organization followed by an intensive necessity to enlarge his organizational dimension into forming a state as a whole for his universal recognition. The journey towards civilization and state formation is unfathomable with so many trials and errors experimented for individual activities into societal formation. The formation of society encapsulates both individuals’ likes and dislikes to bring about reciprocity, first under societal norm which is to become good towards the community’s members, and second under administrative authority to control individual’s conflict and society’s conflict. Making it so comes by turns or at one row capital and governance.

Government is one of the inevitable tools of state by which the state activities are formulated. Structurally, government is the third living organ of a state. Government follows law and orders for articulating human behaviour in terms of his nationally centralized activities. Government is the legal authority of governing its people under a homeostatic system of political diversity. But, bureaucratic complicacy, majority of political party’s policy can impede government to work for all sorts of people. On that basis, government can turn to be informal which is of frequent disruptions to the domestic politics of collective action led to the routine use of informal governance through which governments sustain a very high level of cooperation.1 Unsurprisingly, the dichotomy of ‘formal’ vs. ‘informal’ does not play a decisive role outside the narrower administrative context. 2

Using conventional development language thus leads to contradictory statements: ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ often merge in everyday life. Myriad forms of ‘informal’ practices exist within the ‘formal’ economy. At the same time, the activities in the ‘formal’ sector very much depend on those in the ‘informal’ one. Not only the urban poor make a living from the ‘informal’ sector; better-off urbanites also profit from unregulated forms of production, distribution and service provision, especially since the structural adjustment reforms imposed by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank (Murray and Myers, 2006, 13–15).3

First comes culture, then ruling is next. Human being is social by this classical system. To socialize oneself, one has to make rule consciously to secure his social self and economic self. Without economy, social norms are impeded to celebrate and functionalize. Culture, social activities, social bonds are very ancient communication and relationship building networks. With the building of society, a community is constructed upon rules and regulatory saga. Societies and communities upon nationality are generally pointed to form human’s largest organization which is State.

Informality, to paraphrase Friedrich Nietzsche, is a term that has history rather than a definition. Therefore, we use the word as an umbrella term for a variety of social and cultural phenomena that are too complex to be grasped in a single definition. In broad terms, we refer to the world’s open secrets, unwritten rules and hidden practices as ways of getting things done’. Informal practices may escape articulation in official discourse, but they capture the know- how’ of what works in their vernacular representations. 4

The presence of informal governance exists in as many political and social systems as we find. Like, marriage is formal with married life being informal. Rule is to make balances between the two binary positions. With the course of balancing informal and formal actions, so many components bring to light. Such as, religion, society, administration, and overall State. Informality has historical grounds of friendship, family, kith and kin, etc. Getting and wanting may fall in formal domain with interest prioritized. Formal guidance shows so many established rules such as, why do not the banks give loan to the poor? Why one can not study in a university if one wants? Why tea stalls are set up on pavement? Formal is born of informal. But, formal can either use or abuse informal to gain its outcome. Why are not all students meritorious at school? Why is national history one sided? Why is not government for all the peoples although the state is for all? Informal has to be controlled, that is why formal comes. For example, class lecture is formal.

Taking unfair means at the exam hall is informal. That means to become informal sitting in formal. There must have policy issue in governance: Terrorism obliteration; Education policy; Unemployment policy; Development policy, etc. I know I am a good person. This can be informal which just shows one to live out by himself or learn himself. This is an isolated position. In his ground-breaking book, Randy Stone (2011) argues that states use informal governance in order to accommodate powerful member states. The logic is as follows. Because they have viable options outside of international organizations, powerful states may be tempted to act unilaterally when urgent strategic interests suddenly override their long-run interest in the institution. To keep powerful states on board, small states offer them a deal. In exchange for more favourable formal voting rights in normal times, they permit the powerful state to assume informal control of the organization whenever it considers its important interests to be at stake. Power asymmetries therefore explain why small member states sometimes tolerate a large state circumventing formal rules to exert informal control over an international organization.5

Statement of the problem:

State and society are fundamental constituents for human beings. They can either integrate or manipulate them to exist and work. Not likely that the social beings lead their lives as freely as they can. Rather, they have to come across so many forces, whether natural or artificial, to associate and communicate each other. Making it so has to be dependent on administrative roles and responsibilities thus bringing forth formal rules. These formal rules are state oriented by building constitution. Informality also supports or opposes formality and vice versa by calling upon below questions: Is it just government’s role to implement policy?

Institutional incoherence can impede policy implementation which can develop just a few. To make it coherent needs to have a common access to informal governance which is more community based, having intimate relations among the community members.  When a policy is to be taken, it is assumed that the policy has support from the government with formal and informal coalition. Like,

**Education for all.

All are equal in the eyes of law. ** Criminal must be published **

Are they all effective?

The direction or execution is not free of observatory disagreement among the peoples of so many views in political, economic, cultural, socio-political and socio-economical phases. This study tries to explore such dissidence upon below issues:

The systems of governance with the combination of legislative, executive, judiciary are not independent, rather integrated and diffused. Law or policy appear to be very formal or distant. The decentralization of government activities may or may not be active over complex set of cultural and institutional barriers. There needs to be an innovation in politics, which can unite the differently arguing peoples for national issues by bringing peoples of all classes under a consensus of the welfare of the peoples in a community, society and state. Like community school under informal setting, temporary disaster management center by the locals, night schooling for the illiterate, garbage management, housing security management, cooperative banking, etc. Public sector innovation is sometimes effective with the implementation of new ideas and practices. Policy or government-based works must be more peoples oriented. The institutional workforce is not the same. On necessity, must there be innovation in policy for welfare of the people. Otherwise, a stereotypical situation emerges and becomes very unsatisfactory. New challenge, possibility, etc. are to be examined.

Objectives of the research:

The research aims mainly at the scope of Informal Governance and its contribution to social conflict resolution with social capital prioritized. Advantages, morale, networking, cooperation, social bonding etc. are significant in informal governance gratification for linking it to social capital upon productivity and efficiency. Besides, some more objectives below are on discussion to explore the activities of informal governance:

  1. To comparably place informal governance right in its traditional and historic
  2. To imply a practice of good
  3. To strongly practice Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) effectively in local

Research gap -Queries to be investigated

The observatory focus on this research is:

Ambiguity of informal governance is grounded on individual and institutional perspectives. Informal governance can be self-help or community based supportive governance. Governance informal can either be functional in small scale or large scale, or non-functional in economic and political variables. Informal governance appears to be of self-interest to situational demand. This can turn into creating capital kingship over institutional dogma along with individual identity. Informal governance can take the role of ambiguousness society wise and country wise.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This research is about the way how informal governance is performing its activities through its agents. To figure that out, what I have done is to get related information from the journals and books. This is my ethical studentship to know what I mean academically and generally by informal governance. That informal comes as binary to formal is a matter of motivation and interrogation to me. How it looks to Bangladesh is my finding. How it looks to some other countries is also my reading journey of discovery. After I have read out, I try to make terms of informal governance with its own strong position upon undermentioned research terminology: Data collection from secondary source mostly, exploratory research, observation, case study, explanatory research, and the like.

The Organization of the Study:

The content of this study is structured in nine chapters as, Chapter one delineates introduction to informal governance with its background, problem statement, research gap, methodology etc. Chapter two focuses on literature review with research significance. Chapter three focuses on informal governance with its informal life having its characteristics. Chapter four presents how informal governance looks in some countries. Chapter five deals with informal governance in politics. Chapter six delineates social capital. Chapter seven brings to light relationship between informal governance and social capital. Chapter eight figures out an analysis of observation and comments on informal governance with concluding remarks set in chapter nine.

LITEERATRE REVEW

Introduction

What is mainly on discussion of the term Informal Governance is to see how it has been used nations wise. The literature presented so far on the Informal Governance sets a basement of the study. The review has been inserted from the books and journals.

Informal governance refers to unwritten (and often vaguely specified) rules, shared expectations, and norms that are not enshrined in formally constituted organizations and which modify or substitute legally binding rules. It includes informal practices within formal IGOs, informal institutions, and a broad array of networks constituted by state and non-state actors. States and transnational actors use informal institutions as a means to project power and bias outcomes toward their particularistic interests.6

Van Tatenhove et al. (2006 this issue) define informal governance as those non-codified settings of day-to-day interactions concerning policy issues in which the participation of actors, the formation of coalitions, the processes of agenda setting and (preliminary) decision making are not structured by pre-given sets of rules or formal institutions and identify at least three dimensions along which informal governance interactions can vary. The first (vertical axis) distinguishes between rule-directed (front-stage) and non-rule-directed (back-stage) interactions. The second (horizontal axis) separates formally sanctioned from not formally sanctioned dealings. The third (internal variation) sets co-operative orientation in contrast with conflictual orientation. 7

The term informality’ has been used to describe very different observations ranging from illegal behavior to the emergence of uncodified norms and rules. Unsurprisingly, explanations of these diverse phenomena differ widely. 8

Helmke and Levitsky (2004) define informal institutions as socially shared rules, usually unwritten, that are created, communicated, and enforced outside of officially sanctioned channels.9

The issue of informality in policy making is particularly timely as actors from state, market and civil society work together to manage complex problems within contested environments.10 Christiansen et al. (2003: 6), for example, define governance as informal when participation in the decision-making processes is not or cannot be codified and publicly enforced’. Informal governance includes, therefore, structures and processes that are un-codified, un-documented and have no trace beyond the recollection and perceptions of the actors involved. By contrast, formal governance is regulated by rules that have been instituted according to procedures recognized as legal in clearly defined contexts. 11

Normally, formal rules are written down and recognized as binding on behaviour under defined circumstances’ (Brie and Stolting, 2013: 19). Both types are evident in all political systems and may complement, support, impede or paralyse each other. 12

Kleine (2018: 2) argues that, under certain circumstances, informal governance has the capacity to stabilize the political order’ and can even strengthen its legitimacy’. Drawing on a sociological perspective, Kleine distinguishes between: input, throughout and output legitimation mechanisms, with input referring to the participatory quality, throughput to the procedural quality, and output to the problem-solving quality of a political order. (2018: 7) 13

The most common form of informal governance discussed in the literature, and seemingly the most descriptive of the contemporary reality of the European Union, is network governance (Eising & Koehler-Koch, 1999). Networks are also the key elements in any discussion of informal governance, or governance without government’ at the national level. 14

Informal governance has become a major form of public sector intervention into society and economy, but rather than being a single instrument, informal governance actually contains a number of different instruments and forms of intervention. 15

The Open Method of Co-ordination (OMC) is also discussed as one of the emerging mechanisms for informal governance within the European Union (Borras & Jacobssen, 2004). In some ways, the Open Method is a form of soft law as described above, given that it relies on mechanisms such as benchmarking and sharing best practice’ in order to change the behaviours of the governments within the EU (Hodson & Maher, 2001). 16

Informal practices are broadly defined as ways of getting things done’, these informal yet powerful practices tend to escape articulation in official discourse. They include emotion- driven exchanges (from gifts or favours to tribute for services), values- based practices of solidarity and belonging enacting multiple identities, interest- driven know- how (from informal welfare to informal employment and entrepreneurship, often not seen or appreciated as expertise), and power- driven forms of co-optation and control. The paradox – or not – of the invisibility of these informal practices is their ubiquity. Expertly practised by insiders but often hidden from outsiders, informal practices are, as this book shows, deeply rooted all over the world. 17

New policy dimensions regarding such issues as corruption, social capital, trust, risk, mobility and migration, consumption, shortages, barter, survival strategies, resistance capacity, alternative currencies, informal economies, remittance economies, labour markets, entrepreneurship and democracy. 18

Helmke and Levitsky (2004) also argue that informal working can improve the problem-solving capacity and efficiency of institutions. For example, informality can help to manage complexity and uncertainty in complex networks and promote collaborative innovation (Sorensen et al., 2017).19

Work in the informal economy is often characterized by small or undefined work places, unsafe and unhealthy working conditions, low levels of skills and productivity, low or irregular incomes, long working hours and lack of access to information, markets, finance, training and technology. Workers in the informal economy are not recognized, registered, regulated or protected under labour legislation and social protection. The root causes of informality include elements related to the economic context, the legal, regulatory and policy frameworks and to some micro level determinants such as low level of education, discrimination, poverty and, as mentioned above, lack of access to economic resources, to property, to financial and other business services and to markets. The high incidence of the informal economy is a major challenge for the rights of workers and decent working conditions and has a negative impact on enterprises, public revenues, government’s scope of action, soundness of institutions and fair competition. 20

Historians are likely to view informality as preceding formality, whereby the processes of modernization are associated with formalization and order, and with the development of formal institutions. Social and political theorists consider formal institutions as bodies determining the life of modern societies (Coleman 1988) and colonizing the everyday worlds (life- worlds) of individuals (Habermas 1981 cited in Thompson 1983). 21

Typologised as co-optation, control, and camouflage. 22

Significance of the research:

My focus is on how human behaviors are shaped with the help of traditional governance and informal governance for their own interests. Agreed or not, how social capital paves the way to informal governance for socialization the absence or negligence to which can have negative impact on the national development of the country. Out of my research on the ambiguity of informal governance, the think tank, politician, teachers will be able to understand the omnipresence of informal governance. This can create an open discussion on policy making initiatives. From this research, state organizing factors are discerned in such a way as can let the readers realize how government becomes questionable for its indiscretion. Governance in whatever terms outlined is a holistic approach to work for as many responsibilities as possible for the lively execution of the state.

INFORMAL GOVRNANCE

Definition

Cooperative based, collective, partnered, community based, the Informal Governance is a type of governance system that is formed spontaneously or instantly in order to help, support and coordinate any community for the welfare of humankind. It may be synonymous with self- governance actively involved, for example, in USA under a cooperative banner ―We the People. It can refer to public governance beyond voting, without top-down approach in operation. It refers further to self-governance beyond the boundary of the federal, state, or local governments. It can further be defined people-oriented governance comprising public and private sectors responding to the failings of institutional governance. It is a type of governing to materialize formal institutions into people’s demands to be supportive one another under social capital. Informal governance may take a chance to be active in creativity expression. State related interests can be solved under informal meeting at a dinner party with so many top-down party related policies’ system. Informal governance provides added flexibility—a flexibility that states use to resolve potentially disruptive conflicts that their cooperation at the interstate level suddenly stirs up at the domestic level. 23 Political uncertainty is a problem for everyone, because when states defy the law then the very basis of cooperation, namely stable expectations about one another’s commitment, seems potentially brittle. To keep this basis for the EU’s smooth operation intact, states collectively depart from the rules that allow for imposing costs on one another in order to accommodate governments under exceedingly strong domestic pressure: they concede just enough to restore such governments’ incentive to cooperate. Because it allows for changing the timing, extent, and distribution of adjustment costs, informal governance permits states to manipulate one another’s domestic politics of collective action in a way that keeps domestic interests aligned in favor of cooperation. It makes cooperation work. 24

Some meanings below can be suggestive towards informality which is practiced or found available across the globe: Informal is such a word which may be synonymous with human’s relationship in a covert, friendly and amicable environment. It may also mark down trusted building in closer, cordial, softer way among individuals and groups in a society. Informality also refers to something accepting, returning, exchanging, less distancing, dialectical, etc. It focuses on home motivating behaviour in the outer world. Informality can be termed as all personal getting in situational basis. Not only self-interesting matters are covered by informality, but also the term informality can be related with something free going, autocratic, arbitrary, secluded, bereft, less privileged, self- ruling, unfair-means seeking, networking and the like. It is also observed that informality can have shared values providing. For generating policy for the most privileged or impeding, the term informal governance can influence the formal governance. Further issues like rent seeking, patronage for politics, monopoly creating, corruption engendering and culturing, nepotism, unethical activities by the governed and the governing, imbalance characters of the organizations can benefit a certain portion of the whole people. But this culture or practice can make the common people disrespectful and negative to the existing law which just comprehends them that power is practiced by the moneyed persons. Not helping the helpless, rather getting advantage from their being the helpless, is prevailing as usual and it gives floor to the conscious people to question about political problem, policy problem, political innovation, and the policy made by whom.

Informal Life

Man, in need, is informal first. Then, comes formal. Man is used here as family bondage and society bound. Dear and far and to examine far with a relation between dear and far is ruled. It looks like informal governance strengthening formal governance. Because, informal governance is of mass issues bringing too many communities into closeness.

Society and culture evolve as long as humankind develops fundamentally in terms of political identity, sociological trend and economic trend. Social bond to work for others on necessity with daily essentials sharing among the poor families was intense once. The then society in Bangladesh before and after its independence was noticeable to a good number. With the advent of industrialization, ownership over lands, informal governance declines. Social capital reduces among societies because of technological development. Informality, to paraphrase Friedrich Nietzsche, is a term that has history rather than a definition. Intuitively, there are several connotations of informality. It can mean relationships that are not formalized or that take place outside formal contexts; it can mean relaxed or casual manners in the absence of protocol; it can also stand for natural, or local, ways of getting things done that precede formalization or resist articulation in dominant discourses. In the academic literature, informality’ can be associated with pre-modern societies or local knowledge, but most commonly the term is used to describe practices that emerge unofficially (such as favelas, slums and other unplanned settlements) or underground, constitute grey areas and form a variety of shadow, second or covert economies. Pioneered by Keith Hart (1973), the typology of informal activities in Africa has reframed informality as a sector in urban labour markets. As Colin Marx explains in his introduction to Part III, a 1972 International Labour Organization report opened half a century of debates on the informal sector and set a number of tendencies in motion. Conceptualization of self- and multiple-employment and casual labour in the so-called Third World cities opened up informality’ for measurement and aid, and so informal economy studies were born. 25 Informal life in socialization starts with in terms of commodities exchange. Below is how the informality can be depicted with its binary and parallel relation with formality:

Informal governance focuses on public values by combining interactions among public and private, and collective and individual actors. It is a mechanism of decision-making process by the government and non-government actors. Informality is significantly involved in policy making as outlined in a table below:

Table: 1 Ideal types of (in)formality and their associations 26

Informality Formality
Face- to- face, intimate relationship Impersonal, transparent and explicit
Personal modes of social control Social distance and structures of power
Reliant on tacit knowledge Reliant on official and legal roles
Private Public
Communal Contractual

Table 2: Assumptions and Counterintuitive implications for policy 27

Assumptions Counterintuitive implications for policy
Poverty and survival strategies Entrepreneurship and innovation
  Informality dwells in grey zones and helps reproduce ambivalent patterns, but underdevelopment of institutions is only part of the story. The strength of social networks for building trust (back- up), survival
Underdevelopment of institutions kits (redistribution), safety- nets (solidarity, cohesion) and connectivity should be factored in
Socialism and post- socialism Informality is present in all societies under certain constraints and in particular contexts
Oppressive states and weapons of the weak’ Gaming the system and weapons of the wealthy’ are common in mature democracies.
Formal is good, informality is bad Formal is an enabler of the informal, including the conniving state.
Informal is an enabler for the formal and should be used for channeling policies
There is good informality and there is bad informality (informal governance, informal networks,  
informal institutions can all be good and bad) Informality can help produce measurable indicators for assessing models of governance
Social capital can be positive and negative Social capital is ambivalent
Informality is about freedom Informality is an enabler but it also imposes limitations; informality is
the basis of resistance capacity
Policies tend to rely on laws, written rules and norms Policies can also rely on oral commands, tacit agreements and in- group relationships
Informality is about conformity Informality is also about non- conformity

INFORMAL GOVERNANCE IN THE SELECTED COUNTRIES

Informal Governance in the USA

Just as an instance, in the USA, informal governance becomes much active during Covid 19 pandemic. It has also taken part massively in negating Trump administration in his next general election, 2020. Formal governance is as important as that of informal governance in terms of their individual performance. In the USA, informal governance functions on national scale which proves how important informal governance is to the affected in health management. It makes social distancing and social sheltering in one place. Such services by the informal governance (or efforts) are becoming praiseworthy. The informal group of U.S. health experts self-described as the ―Wolverines (in a reference to the 1980s movie Red Dawn, depicting World War III): they not only foresaw the seriousness of the COVID pandemic, including asymptomatic spread, in early January 2020 but also helped devise the U.S. response to the pandemic, including social distancing and sheltering in place, notwithstanding the Trump Administration’s meager efforts.28 Without the Wolverines, the fate of the U.S. would likely have been far worse from a public health standpoint. Personnel in the Wolverines are: Three members of the group held positions in federal agencies. Other members were from the private sector, academia, or nonprofit organizations.29 Informal group can be named as Hybrid agency’, i.e. The informal groups look like an ad hoc, working group involving members from government, the private sector, academia, and nonprofits. Comparison between federal government and informal government: Federal government is inefficient, bureaucratic; federal employees work in silos in which thinking outside the box is not allowed. Informal governance = the Wolverines, and the informal election group. They convened to protect Americans from COVID pandemic and election interference. Informal group of actors from public and private sectors address problems or issues affecting the public at large which are public health, public safety, elections.

Table: 6 Informal governance vs political activism 30

informal Governance Political Activism
Does not depend on publicity Efforts to organize to make reform
more, commonly operate in secret protests, campaign, grassroots protests
grassroot effort to bring about political or social change
change : government policies
draws public attentions

Informal governance is on necessity during the incongruous and incoherent activities by the formal governance. It demands its attention to the affected public of health service and management. The informal groups are people who

  • lack an official delegation of authority to act, without formal status as a legal entity or written rules to guide their actions,
  • convene in a group or dynamic network to address a major problem affecting the public at large, and
  • render decisions or actions that can be viewed as a form of governance for the common good. They are united to work as means of tackling complex, intractable problems in a highly polarized political

Below is shown who the informal people are in US.

Table 7. Comparison between Centers for Disease Control and Wolverines 31

CDC Wolverines
Head Political appointee No political appointee and no official head but de   facto leader
Total members 10,639 people in 2018 Seven people initially, expanded to nine
Composition Fixed, with federal government employees Dynamic and evolving, with federal and state government employees, academics, and corporate employees
Approach Slow, wait for more studies and data Urgent, need to act swiftly with social distancing, shelter in place, closing schools before community spread
Governance Formal Informal

Source : Informal Governance Of The United States By Edward Lee

Allegados (Chile) 32

Sharing mentality in a mutual understanding for both parties’ consent, a network of informal governance is noticeable in Chile. For settlement, poor families maintain informal governance by settling in their relatives’ homes. The relatives rent their relatives’ houses without rental fee by contributing in small scale to utilities and other expenses. Such is the case in big cities where land is scarce (UN- Habitat 2003). Citizens maintain their lives as mutual contract. This settlement is named as Allegodos’ referring to ‘close’, ‘near’, or ‘related’.

Gilbert (2014) points out that, contrary to general assumptions, most informal dwellers in developing countries do not live in their own accommodation (that is, in informal settlements) but rather rent or share accommodation.

In the Municipality of San Joaquin, Metropolitan Region (Chile) there are 44,079 inhabitants that live as allegados

Figure 5.4.1 In the Municipality of San Joaquin, Metropolitan Region (Chile) there are 44,079 inhabitants that live as allegados.

Collins and Lear (1995: 156) mark:

The simple houses of the poblaciones [poor neighbourhoods] often are home to two to four extra families. These allegado (drop- in) families, often adult children of the owner of the house, live with their spouses and children one family to a bedroom, often three children to a bed. Within four walls they try to create a nuclear family life, each family usually with its own TV and separate paraffin or gas stove.

Favela (Brazil) 33

Favela is a type of informal settlement in Brazil. It denotes a community occupying public or private land in a disorderly and dense’ manner. This community of around 51 units has the lacking of property title, irregular infrastructure and streets, lack of basic services such as clean drinking water, sewage, electricity, refuse collection; and insecurity. Favela is officially defined as subnormal agglomeration’ (IBGE 2011) by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) in collaboration with the United Nations (UN).

According to the census of 2010, approximately 11.4 million Brazilians, about 6 per cent of the Brazilian population, live in favelas. Favelas is interchangeable with English term Slum’. Favelas emerged for the reasons of slavery and urban migration. Before slavery was abolished on 1888, Brazil imported millions of slaves from Africa. After the abolishment of the slavery, many slaves became free with much suffering from accommodation and rights. Their habitation grows in less desired areas such as hilltops, near swamps, in the suburbs. Also, there is a massive domestic migration of people for urban advantages. What the favelas do is to build their own houses as they can not afford housing. This housing is about to transform and expand depending on more favelas to support to live with. For example, new rooms are being added or enlarged; roofs converted into second or third floors; and terraces built on top of homes (Riveira 2012).

The living areas of the Favelas are in the centre and peripheries of Brazilian cities, on hills and on flatlands. The communities of favelas are in the development of self- sufficient economies, making their own supermarkets, bars, beauty salons and rules. They develop an informal environment with their own justice system. It looks like cities within the city’.

Figure 5.5.1 The favela Morro da Coroa’ in Rio de Janeiro, 2009. Source: Author. © Marta- Laura Suska, 2009.

Two world giant sports tournament was held in Brazil: the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics. Billions of dollars spent to redesign and integrate favas into city as the slum upgrading projects. Such development and implementation scheme are not considered to be well enough. This is temporary and impeding independence right. There are facilities in Favelas, like access to education, health care, social programs activities involvement such as Bolsa Família, a conditional cash- transfer programme that makes grants available to low- income households on condition that they send their children to school and have regular medical check- ups.

Gap (Uzbekistan) 34

The term Gap denotes word’ or conversation’ in Uzbek (also known as gapkhuri, gapfona, shai (tea), gashtak, meshrep in Uzbekistan, southern Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uyghur communities in Central Asia). It is a regular togetherness over dinner by groups of people of same age. It is an indigenous institution in both urban and rural Uzbekistan, southern Kazakhstan and other parts of Central Asia. Such type of congregation forms over 3 to 12 individuals to extend to 30 or even more. The primary aim of this getting together is to be socializing, sharing information, savings fund rotating, and energizing informal safety net. This turns out to be a cooperative that allows a quickly access cash for personal use and on emergency. Building close knit community, high levels of mutual trust, reciprocity and support. A relation buildup through friendship, family, school, residential, professional or other social ties. The practice of such regular face- to- face meetings predates the arrival of Islam in Central Asia. They were held in places with hearths in rural settings (alowkhonas) and money was typically collected to pay for meat, rice and oil (Andreev 1928). With the arrival of Islam in the eighth century, alowkhonas evolved into mosques. Men of all ages could socialise and seek advice from elders (aksakals) in a reception room (mekhmonkhona) (Rakhimov 1990, 2007). Gap signifies closeness between different classes and social standing. In this bond, social capital becomes stronger and this can reduce transactional costs related to contracts and official procedures. There is having a nice environment of personal and patron relations regardless of poor and rich. For example, getting support of goods and services of a person from an influential member of the same gap circle is traditional. This creates social bond and bridge for a solidarity.

The finance received from the gap is used for economic activities such as, Family or personal needs, launching a small business; purchasing duarable goods. Wedding feast (toi) by the families with modest income. Gaps resemble the practice of rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs), also known as peer- to- peer lending. Such practice as cooperation is promoting in many other parts of the world. Like, in the former USSR, the practice was known as mutual assistance fund (kassa vzaimopomoshchi) or black cashbox (chernaya kassa) (Kandiyoti 1998).

Gap provides social and financial benefits. Social function is more important than financial function. Like, travel fund is generated to carry out travelling on individual or collective to the mountains, to sanatoriums, or to rent of a country. Women’s gaps trace their roots to the female labour cooperatives of the Soviet era (Bushkov 2002). Women’s gaps are formed between neighbours, workmates, former classmates, neighbours and relations. There creates a unitedness between wives and the wives of their husbands’ circle of friends. A sense of belonging is created. Gaps also concentrates on moral support. Advice on family life is received and passed. Broadening professional horizons, identifying opportunities for career development are also supported by gaps. Both male and female gaps enable their members to expand their contacts and build networks beyond the simple gap circle itself. For example, they may mobilise participants to volunteer to help (khashar) other members from the wider local community when, for example, a house is being built. In this way, gaps may be seen not only as a manifestation of comradeship, brotherhood and sisterhood, but also as fertile ground for the creation and maintenance of social capital and civil society (Alexandrov 2017).

Figure 5.12.1 Artwork depicting Uzbek men engaging in gap meeting over dinner in chaikhona (tea- house). Source: Author. © Timur Alexandrov.

Sosyudad (Philippines) 35

The term Sosyudad refers to an entire class of voluntary associations. It is of secular type, devotional type. Its membership is formed of both male and female of middle aged and married persons. This membership also allows younger people based on various bases of affinities such as age, occupation, kinship, school affiliation or neighbourhoods across the social classes. There occupy weekly gatherings with food and alcoholic drinks. This informal organization is involved in savings and lending activities like one-of economic enterprises, various forms of mutual aid and a few are involved with civic projects. Eating and drinking implies the enactment of egalitarian camaraderie, which appears to be the essence of the sosyudad. Gratification of excessive fellowship overflows among equals by drinking alcohol from the same glass. Conversational exchange is much amicable and cordial without anybody assuming leadership. It expresses the symbol of equality. Profane language among the drunkards is delivered with few topics which are being taboo, not serious. Joking, mocking or insulting each other as a matter of fun with playful and silly antics is surrounded with. This becomes a community of egalitarian sentiment which is recharged from the weekly gathering. This togetherness is afforded with a new lease of endurance for the struggle and strains of everyday life throughout the rest of the week. Groups may also form for specific purposes such as mutual assistance in cases such as the adoptive siblings’ (minagsoon), as seen in the Visayas region. When death occurs in the family of a member, the minagsoon mobilises its resources to provide assistance to the family in the form of cash and kind, labour and emotional support (Morales- Madrid 1990). Informal mutual aid and common- interest voluntary groups have been reported all over the world and are held to thrive in so- called developing societies.

Vay mu’o.’n (Vietnam)36

Both vay and mượn refer in Vietnamese to the act of borrowing money. Combining, the words vay and mượn mean borrowing from all available sources. A situation that gives support to an individual, a couple or a family financially. This is a source of collecting funding from a variety of sources to buy property or start a business. The reason to seek financial support informally from familiar sources is that it is not mortgage oriented support as formally available in a bank. The practice is fuelled by three main factors. Another reason is that many ordinary people tend not to trust the banks (Le and Nguyen 2009). Third reason is that mortgage is formal banking system which is available in urban areas and it allows able account holder to grand him loan. This is related to potential customers and risk management abler. In 1986, Vietnam launched a series of reforms known as renovation’ (Đổi Mới). Aimed at moving Vietnam towards a socialist- oriented market economy, these reforms included allowing competition between the state and the private sector in non- strategic sectors of the economy. While the state formally retained ownership of land, it now allows land to be privately rented. This has led to substantial growth in private agricultural investment and production (Kerkvliet 2005; Fforde 2007). The informal economic support through Vay mu’o ‘n system characterizes social solidarity and securing money for investment. This investment-oriented support capitalizes working zeal upon self-dependence to generate something as economy gain.

This is closely related with what is available in the culture of Bangladesh. Even nonrelatives, just flat neighbors, one neighbor can give loan to the borrower upon evidence with the flat owner. The zero-interest supported loan from the relatives creates a strong bonded relation upon a social capital which is not practiced that much with the advent of banking economy. Social and moral mechanisms avail to punish those who fail to repay loans. A failed loan repaying borrower might fall in losing face and reputation, as well as the loss of family and social connections.

Boda- Boda taxis (Uganda) 37

There remains a good example of informal governance in Uganda with professional mechanism for livelihood. People from different ages and literacy are engaged in bike riding profession under informal governance. For example, Boda boda’ service is in popularity. The term Boda-boda is a local term used for bicycle and motorcycle taxis in Uganda. It is an informal motorcycle –taxi transport. This is also available in villages in Bangladesh, also in cities. It has political and economic significance. It is about the ungovernability’ of the country’s informal economy. Persons involving in this profession is a sizeable proportion of the country’s male youth. It is an informal occupation generation employment. Boda-boda derives from the English word border’. Contextually, boda-boda refers to a transportation across the Kenya- Uganda border in the town of Busia. The drivers offer the passengers transport service calling out boda- boda (border to border’).

Formal governance focuses on academically and institutionally organized services with its trained personnel whereas informal governance aims at solving and standing employment opportunities with a mass people’s arrangement in which most of them are not academically skilled.

Boda boda is such an example. Why is this service popular? It is because there is a lack of good road infrastructure, collapse of the national public transport system from the 1980s onwards. There are also deregulation of transport services, increased congestion in cities with motorcycles that can navigate much more easily than larger vehicles. It provides a sustained economic growth. It is a source of income to the poor. One 2003 study found that some 1.7 million people, or 7 per cent of the population, received part or all of their livelihood from the industry (Howe 2003). In the Ugandan capital Kampala, boda- bodas grew at an exponential rate during the 2000s, as the city mushroomed in size and the large number of matatu minibus taxis contributed to traffic gridlock. It has been claimed that nowhere in the world are motorcycles more popular as a public transport option, and an estimated 800,000 boda- boda trips are taken every day (Kidimu 2015). Various studies indicate a rise from around 4,000 boda-boda drivers in Kampala in 2003 to 16,000 in 2007, 40,000 in 2010 and as many as 100,000 in 2014 (Bryceson et al. 2003; Goodfellow 2015).

Figure 5.33.1 Boda-boda taxis. Source: Author. © Tom Goodfellow.

Title: Closer look at bodas in Kampala

Hawala (Middle East, India and Pakistan) 38

The term refers to an informal value transfer system through large network of money brokers. This is a money transfer system within a geographic location. Its operation is outside of more traditional financial and banking channels. Such type of system is activating mainly in the Middle East, Indian subcontinent and parts of Africa. The word permeated into Hindi (national language of India) and Urdu (national language of Pakistan), retained its original meaning but acquired the additional connotations of trust’ and reference’. This reflects the basic principles on which the system operates. A hawala dealer is described as a hawaladar (Jost and Sandhu 2000).

It has alternative name -hundi, etymologically rooted in Sanskrit which means to collect’. It is synonymous with promissory note, bill of exchange, or hawala. Essentially, hawala and hundi have the same meanings and are used interchangeably, especially now that the system has gained international notoriety. However, hawala is an Arabic term while hundi is its Indian and Pakistani variant. It has been suggested that hundi and hawala have amalgamated into one network and their distinctions have been dissolved (Jost and Sandhu 2000). Every year billions of dollars are transferred across countries and continents using Informal Value Transfer Systems (IVTS). The Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) defines IVTS as any system, mechanism, or network of people that receives money for the purpose of making the funds or an equivalent value payable to a third party in another geographic location, or not in the same form’ (US Department of the Treasury 2003). Hawala is one of the key forms of IVTS. It is estimated that every year US$100 billion to US$300 billion flow through the IVTS (Buencamino and Gorbunov 2002). Before any formal banking method came into being, the IVTS were established means of transferring valuables and money.

Informal Value Transfer Systems (IVTS) follow codes of conduct for value and money transfer on mutual trust within groups and individuals. It has uses geographically with various names. Passas (1999) has summarized some of the more common names for IVTS practices in different parts of the world:

  • Hawala (trust, reference, exchange’; the Arabic root h- w- l means to change’ or to transform’) –
  • Hundi (commonly translated as trust’; it means bill of exchange or promissory note; comes from a Sanskrit root meaning to collect’) –
  • Fei ch‘ien (flying money’) –
  • Phoe kuan – (‗message houses’) –
  • Hui k‘uan (to remit sums of money) – Mandarin
  • Ch‘iao hui (‗overseas remittance‘) – Mandarin
  • Nging sing kek (‗money letter shop’) – Tae Chew and Cantonese speaking
  • Chop (shop) – non- Chinese use this term for one of the Chinese
  • Chiti banking – refers to the chit’ used as receipt or proof of claim in transactions introduced by the British in China (short for chitty’, a word borrowed from the Hindi chitthi’, signifying a letter, document or mark).
  • Hui or hui kuan (association’) – Vietnamese living in
  • Stash house (for casa de cambio) – South American

A simplified model of a hawala transaction is provided by El- Qorchi (2002):

  • Customer A (CA) wishes to send money to customer B (CB).
  • CA visits hawaladar A (HA) in country
  • HA receives money to be remitted (Q) to CB plus a service fee from
  • CA receives code of authentication and passes it on to
  • HA then instructs hawaladar B (HB) in country B to remit Q to
  • CB discloses the code to HB who then presents CB with the

Hawala persists due to a number of reasons, which include; anonymity, cultural friendliness (Chene, 2008), low transaction costs (Maimbo, 2003), less transit time (Schramm and Taube, 2002), enhanced level

Figure-A : The Model of Simple Hawala Transfer. Source: International Monetary Fund, 2002.

Source : Copyright: IMF, Fair use. http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2002/12/elqorchi.htm of trust versus banks and other conventional channels (Schramm and Taube, 2002), and increased efficiency (Ballard, 2003).

Dalali (India) 39

The word Dalal which has a traditional use in Hindi or Urdu word is translated as ‗commission agent’, broker’, fixer’ or mediator’. Customs go on that dalals take fees and commissions and produce nothing themselves. Who are they? Stock exchange brokers, Ticket touts, Pimps, Matchmakers, Real estate brokers, and the large number of people who unofficially mediate between ordinary citizens and the state are all occasionally referred to as dalals, and their occupation as dalali (fixing/ brokerage). It is much related with formal government in service delivery as a media, communicator, contractor, to ensure things easily done. This is quite common in Bangladesh for passport service, trade license obtaining, job holding, etc. The act of dalali is an association of a large number of informal group who has direct link with the formal Indian state for facilitating people’s access to it and its resources. Their characters are ambivalent as they are both helpful and exploitative. Because they can be both helpful and exploitative, Indians frequently regard them as morally ambivalent characters. They take the role of facilitators, fixers as ‗social work’ or seva’ in Hindi, as pyravee in Urdu (Ram Reddy and Haragopal 1985), or even simply as politics (rajniti). They rarely, if ever, describe themselves as dalals, or to their work as dalali, but their clients do so when they wish to emphasise how either they or their practices are exploitative and corrupt. During the earlier part of the twentieth century in Chicago, they were referred to as party precincts’ and played an important role in machine politics’ (Auyero 1999: 302).

Dalal is named as fixer or helper for the people to gain access to credit. This informal network also involves in working for the common people for development schemes, electricity and water connections, caste certificates, land records, government jobs, gaining access to the police over a dispute. This is a common feature of Indian villages and poorer urban neighbourhoods.

Baksheesh (Middle East, North Africa and sub- continental Asia) 40

It is very useful and usual term which is prevalent across the Middle East, North Africa and sub- continental Asia; it is even reported in the Balkans. The term baksheesh also refers to tipping’, bribery’, giving alms. It has commonalities with other informal financial practices. Its origin in Prsian. Persian origin, the term comes from the verb to give’ – bakšīdan (Cannon and Kaye 2001). First described in the English language by Samuel Purchas in 1625, referring to a manuscript dating from 1600 (Purchas in Cannon and Kaye 2001).

The Persian term is mixed with Sanskrit roots – bkiksh’ or bheeks’, which also have the same meaning as baksheesh (Carstens 2014). In the Albanian, Serbian, Bulgarian, Romanian, Macedonian and Turkish languages, a baksheesh’ means tip’ in the conventional Western sense. In Greek, baksisi’ can refer to a gift in general, while in French and German the term

Bakschisch’ means a small bribe. Likewise in Romanian, the term is typically used as a euphemism for a bribe (Carstens 2014: 77).This term is historically practiced in Afghanistan, Egypt, India, Pakistan and Yemen. It is a form of spontaneous and specific generosity. It refers to gratuity on top of a solicited fee paid for goods or, more commonly, services. It can turn into bribery as well. With Baksheesh, ones purpose can be solved. Joseph Campbell, the American mythologist, has documented what he saw as the pervasive influence of this practice on all aspects of Indian social and political culture, which he referred to as the Baksheesh Complex’ (Campbell et al. 1995).

For example, in Afghanistan, Yemen and other countries, to obtain driving license is possible with the use of Baksheesh. This is quite familiar with the practice in Bangladesh. The size of the baksheesh payment is modest and (e.g. in Afghanistan and Yemen) not fixed: it is decided according to the financial status of the applicant. Poorer people would pay less baksheesh than richer people. In some countries, it would appear that the fee is fixed: in Lebanon, for example, the baksheesh for a replacement driving licence was reportedly $7 USD in 1999 (Transparency International 2003). Baksheesh can allude to tea money, bribery. Getting ones passport faster can be possible by baksheesh. License expired cars on the street can be allowed by using baksheesh. Some policemen will stop truck drivers from proceeding past a checkpoint until a far more sizeable amount has been paid. In such circumstances, this might euphemistically be referred to as baksheesh, although this is partly shame avoidance by both parties to disguise what it really is, namely a bribe. Although giving tea money’ is tiresome, it does not overstep the boundary of what is ethically and culturally acceptable to the same extent as asking for a large sum. Yet in other countries, even small- scale tea money’ is termed as baksheesh: in Morocco, over 80 per cent of business respondents admitting giving baksheesh to avoid hassle from traffic police and the gendarmerie (Transparency International 2003: 208).

Baksheesh has thus entered common parlance in many countries to denote outright bribery, and hence can also refer to far larger- scale corruption in business processes – even if culturally it might not be considered as outright bribery’ by locals familiar with the ways of doing business in that environment, or by foreign entities who have operated in the environment long enough to simply consider the practice as necessary to maintain goodwill (Jacoby et al. 1977; Cavico and Mujtaba 2010).

INFORMAL GOVERNANCE IN POLITICS

Informal Governance in political innovation

Informal governance as marked earlier about its various appliances in social factors can also involve in political innovation. There must have been concerns over political activities which are directly related with state functions. Such activities are central part of political sociology which seeks to understand the process of interaction between government and society, decision making authorities and conflicting social forces and interests. It is the study of interactions and linkages between politics and society; between a political system and its social, economic and cultural environment. It is concerned with problems regarding the management of conflict, the articulation of interests and issues, and political integration and organization. The focal point in all these concerns is the interdependence and the interplay of socio-cultural, economic and political elements.41

Political problems, policy problems, political innovation, etc. are all related with institution, process and consequence. The research keeps questioning who makes policies and the policies are for whom. Implanting the policies does refer only to a government? Or, some others are involved? Institutional incoherence can impede policy implementation. Suppose, a policy is to be discussed in an agenda over ‘‘Education for all’’, “All are equal to the eyes of law”, “The guilty must be punished”.

These are not implemented vehemently because of the controlling of the governing bodies which are not independent completely. They intervene one another: the legislative, the executive, and the judiciary. They are either too much formal or distant as result of which the affected can not reach to them for their verdict. There must have innovation in public sector in construction, communication, implementation of new ideas and practices. It appears that policy and government bud activities are not always same. For human welfare, policy is to be innovative in implementation. Otherwise, a monotony situation prevails which is not acceptable at all. New challenges possibilities are to be justified.

The use of informal governance does, however, raise important questions about accountability and democracy in policy innovation. Fung (2012) argues that policy innovation needs to be mindful of the pursuit of democratic ideals and improvements. However, Borzel and Panke (2012) argue that concerns about transparency and legitimacy in policy-making are often neglected behind the pursuit of effectiveness. Based on this review of the literature three propositions have been developed to examine the role of informal governance in shaping political innovation:

  • Innovations in polity: Informal governance creates an innovative space’ to explore new possibilities and develop trust between critical actors.
  • Innovations in politics: Informal governance can be used to enhance the autonomy and discretion of administrators, leading to an innovative oriented culture’.
  • Innovations in policy: Informal governance can lead to more responsive problem solving and a shared commitment to new policy goals. 42

Table 4: The impact of informal governance on innovations in politics 43

Manifestations of informal working Innovation in politics Potential pitfalls
New ministerial narrative in support of informal working

Empowerment of senior administrators to go off script’ & utilize informal working

Pursuit of new & creative informal ways to seek power & influence

Creation of an innovative oriented culture’

Emergence of a group of highly skilled boundary spanners

Breaking deadlocks in difficult negotiations

New processes to formalize’ informal decision-making at critical points

Informal relationships    &

Processes are resource intensive

Danger of mixed messages in negotiations

Lack of transparency & audit in decision- making

Table 5: The impact of informal governance on innovations in policy 44

Manifestations of informal working Innovation in policy Potential pitfalls
Political leaders & managers working informally to reach shared goals

Focus on      long-term relationship building with localities

Focus on negotiation & bespoke deals

New vision for managing central-local relations

Increased diversity in central-local relationships & policy outcomes

New policy areas (e.g. health) to be devolved

Administrators being politicized by the process

A lack of capacity could undermine equity & fairness in the process

Central      power    is    enforced informally, undermining local discretion

SOCIAL CAPITAL

Social Capital:

The term social capital refers to social networking, bonding, relating with human necessities fulfilling on the basis of capitalizing consumer and consumption and supply and production. This is a huge logistics mechanism making a bond of trust and discipline. I need a barber to cut my hair. The barber needs the grocer for different foods, the grocer needs the doctor. The doctor needs a teacher. Here, supply and service can not have discrimination. Collective in effort is collective in gain. There is no individual claim for any self-interest issue. Social capital is an age-old informal institution although formal dealings are undeniable to claim the property rights. Doctors need patients not only to serve but also to earn. Teachers are to teach and to earn. Social capital is important for social bondage to develop nationally. Technological advent can atomize individual with its giant facilities that can cause formal and distant relationship between the participants. Social capital is predated with industrial growth functionalities. It is about helping out another building some kind of bonding, bridging, or networking. For example, the World Bank – societal and economic development. The dimensions of social networking are many: political, economic, social. Social capital is noticeable in corporate government which is social networking. Social media builds network flourishing business through network. Without social relationship, no social capital is possible. To continue social networking is inevitable based on necessities. For elections, a politician makes networking. He handshakes with the people as it is his capital. Social capital is significantly related with culture. Helping the acquainted is noticeable in Bangladesh. In Western culture, helping each other is not that much prone. If someone falls in danger, the next one is informing the police of helping the sufferer. In fact, social capital is a combination of both individual and collective actions. It is about the mixture of norms and values. Social capital is a resource of democratization. Like, Dhaka Club – a representation of elite class who publicizes concept of business and elite community. Quality of government is measured by social capital. Certain issues of national concerns affect governance, such as education institutions, health care, road maintenance, law and order, etc. There are wicked problems that point out national concern are unemployment, poverty, crime human trafficking, etc. Civil servants’ acceptance is judged through their efficiency to the public by being less corrupt, impartial, prompt, friendly and helpful.

Table: 3 Regression analysis of social capital and quality of government variables on trust in public institutions in Bangladesh. Beta Coefficients 45

Model 1 Model 2 Combined Model
Social capital variables

Generalized-particularized trust

Associationism (no-yes) 0.22** 0.17**
Quality of government variables

Index of public services (bad -good)

0.53** 0.53**
Index of addressing wicked problems (succeeded-did not succeed)
Index of Trustworthiness (disagree- agree) 0.28** 0.24**
Adjusted R 2 0.05 0.38 0.40

Significant at 0.00** level. Insignificant coefficients are not included

This is related with good governance, trustworthiness of civil servants, neutrality, friendliness, honesty, uncorrupt actions, and so forth. It’s about relation and connection. Informal Governance depends on social capital formation. Human capital is individually owned. Getting job by filling up conditions. Learners’ capital is they perform well. Social capital is rooted in the network of human relationship within the community.

Social Capital: Scholars’ Views and the Application of it

Fukuyama says social capital entails networks of social relations which are characterized by norms of trust and reciprocity’ (Stewart W and Richardson, 1998).

Narayan and Cassidi (2001) outline the features of social capital as group characteristics, togetherness, everyday sociability, neighborhood connections, volunteerism and the like.

Socially acting needs to have been involved in a governance first under informal shade. State is where society and all its socio economic and socio-politic activities are performed. Social capital brings forth informal values and cooperation among the individuals. Common problems are resolved with the capacity of social capital. It is about social relations for producing collective and partnered benefits. It has resources having all individuals’ performing efforts in social structure with the amalgamation of interconnectedness and productive materials. It refers to bonding, bridging or networking among all the individuals. The World Bank defines social capital as societal and economic development. Social capital is tool for resolving social problems i.e poverty and crime, economic underdevelopment and inefficient government. It is also used in corporate society meaning an approach of organization development. According to Francis Fukuyama, social capital is an instantiated informal norm that promotes cooperation between two or more individuals. The norms that constitute social capital can range from a norm of reciprocity between two friends, all the way up to complex and elaborately articulated doctrines like Christianity or Confucianism. He also marks that trust, networks, civil society, and the like are associated with social capital.

Social capital by Francis Fukuyama.

Robert Putnam (1993) describes social capital as arrays of social relationship that expedite people to organize actors for realizing desired objectives. He also (1999: 67) explained social capital as sorts of social organization for instance networks, norms and social trust that enable coordination and cooperation for shared benefits /payables (in Krish 2003).

“Connections among individuals –social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them.” He sees social capital as a resource (often the primary resource) that is open to all groups and communities. It can have contribution to build democracy. It has three components: moral obligations and norms, social values (especially trust) and social networks (especially voluntary associations). Putnam’s central thesis is that if a region has a well-functioning economic system and a high level of political integration, these are the result of the region’s successful accumulation of social capital. According to him, many social problems are caused in the United States by the decline of social capital. Putnam identifies four factors behind the decline of social capital in the USA. First, the increasing presence of women in the labour force has lessened the time that is available for building social capital in families, and the resources that this needs. Second, social mobility and the rootlessness destroyed the social capital. Third factor, social capital has declined by demographic changes (increase in divorces, decrease in the average number of children per family, decline of real incomes). Especially fatal for the maintenance of social capital is the worsening of the preconditions of middle- class parenthood; because the middle class has traditionally been responsible for the accumulation of social capital in America. Finally, the technological changes are also responsible for the privatization or individualization of leisure. The main obstacle for the construction of social capital during free time is, however, television and its supremacy in the competition over the uses of leisure.

Case of Italy (Local Government Formation in 1976-77): the main reason for the economic prosperity of Northern Italy in comparison with the Southern part of the country is civic participation. The public activity of citizens has created an atmosphere of mutual co-operation, vital social networks, equal political relations and the tradition of citizen participation. In the North the crucial social, political, and even religious allegiances and alignments were horizontal, while those in the South were vertical.

NEXUS BETWEEN INFORMAL GOVERNANCE AND SOCIAL CAPITAL

Informal Governance and Social Capital:

Social capital is the aggregate of actual or potential resources linked to durable network. It is a collectivity owned capital. It denotes trust and norms of reciprocity. It is the combination of intra community and inter community that paves the way of economic development. There is having a strong nexus between Informal Governance and Social Capital in Bangladesh. So many economic activities are going on under informal governance. A good number of trades and businesses is established in Bangladesh. Some having little investment are creating business with employment whereas some with less academic knowledge are having street businesses by selling fruits and different types of food. This creates a social and communal bond among city dwellers. In fact, socializing condition among human beings is forming in different shapes through as many professional activities as possible. This can emphasize professional efficiency creating trust among one another. Bangladesh is a burning example of informal governance activities on the bases of religious and political measurements. Too many Madrashas are getting established in almost every Moholla (ward), focusing on the solemnity and peacefulness of moral teachings. On the other hand, English medium schools are focusing on the importance of foreign teaching to advance good education and settlement in foreign lands like the top notched developed countries for a better future security. Cooperative banking by combining a certain amount of money from the fixed members with one declared the winner for the amassed money is becoming popular among the common people of every particular zone in a city or village. This creates a bond to purchase land for habitation.  Some temporary markets on the road on weekdays and on the pavements create economic condition in the people of a community. So many professional and working fields have been brought to light because of informality with the way social capital functions. Using a smart mobile phone, one can create content for ones viewers for earning livelihood. Employment opportunity rises more for social capital with professional and economic dependency created. So far, almost in every professional sector, informal governance is active to make the distinguished works fruitful.

Political behavioural pattern can be influenced by informality. Party politics for voting win through election campaign may be informal and winning party’s behaviour to the losing party is formal with constitutional verbosity propagandized. This is neither good culture nor bad politics as because the winning party is supported by the interest groups upon the dailies and talk shows. Political leader looks a mimicry to discoursing the mass peoples’ interests. But, in fact, a society in a developing country circumscribes dynamic characteristics of population, say doctor, student, teacher, carpenter, night guard, house lord, house worker, barber, spa service provider, engineer, beggar, PWD (Person With Disability ), driver, conductor, grocer, which are the existence of social capital with one’s single professional property connected to other professional properties in order to create an exchanged and all owning feeling property.

Social capital is important for social bondage to develop nationally. Technological advent can atomize individual with its giant facilities that can cause formal and distant relationship between the participants.

Informal governance in reading chat is decreasing with education commercialized. Teachers create graduate not creative and it is because formal governance becomes commercial in educational institutions especially in private universities. The more the teacher student relationship the more the creative exchange and learning environment will be. Informal practice is prevailing in public universities with graduate course taught. We see teachers appear to the students at the weekends in informal wear. May be, it can augment learning preparation to the graduate students. This may run the risk of significantly being coopted by the specific groups’ interests not representing the entire society. Botes and Van Rensburg (2000) refer this as community renting, where planning agency buys the ―goodwill and support of the key interest groups.

Informal actors identified include family, neighbors, friends, community groups and community members, and their direct networks. Formal actors on the other hand included government institutions, individuals and authorities that make policies and rules and their desired and possible networks.

In contexts where formal rules are consistently enforced, the criteria for allocating public resources are universalistic and impersonal, whereas where informal networks prevail, the criteria are particularistic and personal. Formal actors are institutions, individuals and authorities that make policies and rules and their actions are embedded in formal institutions. Informal actors are individuals or groups who have no constitutional mandate and do not have formal rules but still have an influence on service provision.

Soft law, network, partnership, co-production are types of informal governance. Self-help services or development activities or projects organized by a community. Informal governance combines the following elements: (1) The major determinant of individual action is social incentives, as they are realized in social exchange processes and through the allocation of esteem and behavioral confirmation. Peers – i.e., other organizational members occupying formally similar positions in the hierarchy – are at least as important as a source of social incentives as are supervisors or management. (2) Positions and roles in informal social networks determine access to information, and form the starting point for the emergence of norms. The power to define rules and expectations does not rest primarily with management or superiors, but depends on the structure of the network and an individual‘s position in the informal structure. (3) Legitimacy of rules is not grounded in a formal-legal basis. Non-compliance, therefore, also cannot be legally enforced.

Table 1 presents a schematic summary of the different approaches for the description and explanation of formal and informal governance. The two descriptions provide a rough sketch of two possible extremes on a continuum of different types of governance, as they emerge in the current literature46. They do not take into consideration mixed or hybrid types. The degree to which this heuristic is also fruitful for a more accurate description of such hybrid forms of governance will be addressed in the following section.

Table A: Ideal types of formal and informal governance according to three different sociological paradigms

Paradigm Type of Governance
Formal Informal
Rationalism Institutional Economic Theories

1.     Financial incentives

2.     Sanctions by superior

Gift-Exchange Theories, Reward models, Crowding-Theories

1.  Social incentives

2.  Sanctions by peers

Structuralism Contingency Theory, Theories of Managerial Strategies

1.     Control through formal inter-dependence and power structures

2.     Rules and expectations defined and monitored by management

Social Capital Theory, Brokerage Models

1.     Learning through informal social network structures

2.     Rules and expectations de-fined and monitored by peers

Culturalism Bureaucracy Theories

1.     Authoritarian legitimization of expectations

2.     Formally enforceable expectations

Neo-Institutional Theories, Hegemony Theories

1.     Functional legitimization of expectations

2.     Formally non-enforceable expectations

  1. = Central theoretical construct; 2. = Possible empirical indicator

A society is cooperative because of informality and social capital. Whether in rural or urban, cooperation matters for getting regional support, relative support, financial support although men move now-a-days more on reason than on emotion. A lower income professional can be individually linked with a group or community cooperatives to establish savings in order to be economically profitable and collectively strong. By this way, an environment of diversified taste of knowing each other builds in. In Bangladesh, informal practice turns out to be a mixture of spontaneity and rationality. Fire afflicted are not supported by passersby or neighbours as spontaneously as it was done before. Technology can make lives easy taking a snap shot of the fire victims, but not persuade the users to go and help the afflicted. Shopping malls, institutes, sports, corporate jobs, informality is a daily work in intra professionals.

Informal Pressure Group:

There is also evidence that informal pressure groups have played important roles in pursuing Various policies. Such informal networks with relatively few actors tend to maintain close working relations with the highest political offices. They try to influence policy outputs and institutional processes. There are wide-spread media allegations about the Hawa Bhaban- the private political office of the chairperson of the then-ruling party Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) – said to have eliminated ― the distinction between government and the party, for instituting a culture of impunity where party henchmen considered themselves above the law‖. Furthermore, the informal powerhouse was alleged to have played a strong ― policy influencing‖ role to extract ―kickbacks and ―political advantage 47

Government is the legal authority of governing its people under a homeostatic system of political diversity. The Government of a state materializes in two sections under which auspiciousness the whole state’s political, socio-economic, cultural, economic, sociological, religious , judicial, etc. are presented systematically with constitution and arbitrarily with customs, traditional beliefs etc.

Two Tiers of Governmental Functions

To judicially and administratively run a state, a state authorized constitution is inevitable with required laws and jurisdiction imposed written and unwritten to attribute to the citizens irrespective of religion, caste, and ethnicity.

Village Court and Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR)

Informal Governance can act as the ADR (Alternative Dispute Resolution) to make justice in village. Village Court is the lowest judicial tier in the judicial hierarchy of Bangladesh. When formal judicial system is over burdened with pending cases and access to justice for poor,

vulnerable group, particularly women has become very limited and the expensive and cumbersome process of formal judiciary detract people from seeking redress for the wrong committed on them in such a circumstances the village court can play a significant role to establish justice at grass root level.

The UN defines Local government as,

The term local self-government refers to a political sub division of a nation of a nation or state which is constituted by law and has substantial control of local affairs, including the power to impose taxes or exact labour for prescribed purposes. The governing body such an entity is elected of otherwise locally selected. 48

The UNDP has got its own standard to assess the access to justice of a particular judicial system. UNDP determines 5 operational aspects of access to justice which are as follows 49:

  1. Legal Protection;
  2. Legal Awareness;
  3. Legal Aid and Counsel;
  4. Adjudication; and
  5. Enforcement.

According to the article 1 of United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), ―All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.

Therefore, all human beings should have equal access to justice when their dignity or their rights are infringed upon. However, deficient or discriminatory justice systems can undermine the basic human rights principle. When such system cannot ensure equal access to justice by all, the vulnerable and marginalized, and their human dignity is placed at risk. Ensuring access to justice for the people is always a big challenge for Bangladesh because, about 80% of total population lives in villages and around 40% lives below the poverty line.

Article 31 of the constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh provides that, ―To enjoy the protection of the law, and to be treated in accordance with law, and only in accordance with law, is the inalienable right of every citizen, wherever he may be, and of every other person for the time being within Bangladesh, and in particular no action detrimental to the life, liberty, body, reputation or property of any person shall be taken except in accordance with law‖. Again, Article 35(3) states that, ―Every person accused of a criminal offence shall have the right to a speedy and public trial by an independent and impartial court or tribunal established by law‖.

Table 1.1: Characteristics of Village Courts 50

Established by The Village Court Act, 2006 (previously The Village Court Ordinance 1976).
Location of VC Union Parishad Complex.
Offence types Both Civil and Criminal.
Jurisdiction Fine up to 25,000/- Taka.
Panel members of VC UP chairman, two UP members, two persons from both parties.
Appellate authority Magistrate 1st class/ Assistant Judge.
This court is legally required to follow informal procedure of trial or dispute settlement, meaning thereby that the application of Code of Civil Procedure, Code of Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act has been barred. It has barred the appointment of lawyers. However, decisions of these courts are as binding as those of any other formal courts of the country.

Offences to be litigated to the Village Court 51

Authority and Jurisdiction: According to Part-1 of the Village Court Act, 2006 schedule, a Village Court can try around thirty types of criminal offences like Unlawful assembly, Riot, Voluntarily causing of hurt , Committing mischief , Criminal trespass , Committing an affray, Voluntarily causing hurt on provocation, Wrongful restraints, Wrongful confinement, Intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of the peace, Criminal intimidation, Word, gesture or act intended to insult the modesty of a woman, Misconduct in public by a drunken person, Theft in dwelling house, etc, Criminal breach of trust, Cheating, Cheating and dishonestly inducing delivery of property, Mischief causing damage to the amount of twenty five thousand taka, Mischief by killing or maiming animal of the value of twenty five thousand taka, Cattle trespass related offences such as forcibly opposing the seizure of cattle or rescuing the same, Penalty for damage caused to land or crops or public roads by pigs , Failure of the pound-keeper to perform duties under the Cattle Trespass Act 1871 etc.

ANALYSIS OF OBSERVATION AND COMMENTS ON INFORMAL GOVERNANCE

Introduction

The discussions put above are the findings and dealings of Informal Governance with its strong tie Social Capital marked.

Avenues of Informal Governance

Where IG is a continuation of past traditions like village shalish. IG is where formal governance is weak. Like, in the remote and impassable areas because of natural disaster, the FG agencies can not reach there on time. Where formal governance has broken down or very weak or failed to protect the people. Formal governance may not reach an area owing to physical barriers, e.g. hills, remote areas, islands and the like. Informal governance responds to emergencies, and natural disasters like flood, drought, cyclones, epidemics, river erosion, earthquakes, fire, or influx of refugees. Formal bodies like LG encourages IG to flourish. NGO’s innovative approaches like microcredit activities. Formal and informal governance can co-exist. IG opens frontiers as a forerunner.

Decline

Because of capitalization, Social capital is declining. Like, taking loan from relatives or bosom friend is not interest repayable. But, bank counts interest on loans. As society advances faster in technology, mass consumption, the degradation of values is figuring out self-interests no matter how they are rational or irrational. There is also a governing environment of long spanning colonial rules. Bangladesh is a thousand year ruled nation. In the sovereignty struggle of Bangladesh, there had been imposed foreign rule, foreign exploitation, and the imperialistic governances of Mughal, British and Pakistan. Several rounds of military rule are key witness to Bangladesh. Confrontational political culture is quite common. Political partied interests over majority power over the mass people are evident. Party members in the political arena are following top down approach of political order without much involvement with policy implementer through bottom up approach. Central dependence is another reason for the declination of social capital. Ideological and institutional erosion are prominent that can tarnish social and political solidarity. Self-centeredness and lack of community spirit, jealousy, and distrust are on large scale. Patron-client relations are self-interests to fill in small or large entrepreneurship that demolishes real candidates of business knowhow. One prominent reason for the declining social capital is the rise or stand of capitalism. The rise of capitalist practice and morality brought with it a radical revision of how the commons are treated, and also how they are conceived of. The prevailing view today is captured by Garrett Hardin’s influential argument that ― freedom in a commons brings ruin to us all,‖ the famous tragedy of the commons‖, what is not owned will be destroyed by individual avarice. 52

Major industries are devoted to the task: public relations, advertising, and marketing generally, all of which add up to a very large component of the gross domestic product. They are dedicated to what the great political economist Thorstein Veblen called fabricating wants‖. 53

In the words of business leaders themselves, the task is to direct people to the superficial things‖ of life, like fashionable consumption. That way people can be atomized, separated, from one another, seeking personal gain alone, diverted from dangerous efforts to think for themselves and challenge authority. 54 Organized and stable communities of solidarity and support make it possible for disaffection to become something more than cynicism and hopelessness. They can encourage independent thought, providing means of intellectual self-defense against the daily barrage of propaganda.55

Way-out

There must have reforms in the local self-government system. Participation from people of all sorts are to be ensured for policy making by applying bottom up approach with real actors – implementers’ role activated. To build capacity in identifying problems and tacking down the problems in an organized way is pivotal. There must have established real connectivity between the MPs and Local Self Government affairs.

A framework for analysing informal local governance institutions 56

This framework consists of six core components: different lenses through which IGLIs can be analysed. Together they produce a comprehensive analysis of who ILGIs are, what they do and why, as well as a basis for reflecting on what this means for SDC and partners‘ work. Even though we present these components separately, in practice they interact with and affect each other. That is why they should be seen as an interactive whole and why there are certain points of articulation among them.

CONCLUSION

Conclusion

Informal governance is significant in helping government to perform its so many diversified activities in prolific scale. The state has to be functional in enlivening its organs. Governance and state are inter-functional and inter-dependent.

Informal governance is about participation in rule making, voice consideration for being legitimate. Informality can build a bridge between resources and actors to strengthen the distant institutional links between political elites and citizens. Informal activities arise in uncertain decision-making context; decision makers’ more conflicting position among negotiators. Such type of governance can shorten the number of participants to reach agreement from an open space of agenda. Accountability for governance to exercise rule for citizens’ output is a much table discussion. Parliamentary legitimacy to rule the citizens in executing the demands is of importance. Democracy in transparency to work for all under constitutional legacy is important. To make it into effectiveness, the citizens’ representatives are the most pivotal in political aristocracy. In the developed countries, work responsibility and accountability are taken for granted. Informal governance is actively prominent to tackle the Covid-19 pandemic allowing so many volunteer workers to work for the affected. At that time, we see how social bond is strong.

Problems and conflicts are ubiquitous and the whole mechanism of the participation of formal and informal institutes promulgates good governance. Good governance is inevitable for the state citizenry to abide by rules and regulations in economic, and basic needs implementation. Political agenda although focus on mass peoples’ development in living standard fill in the mandate comparatively less as a result of which conflict between what are received and what should be attained is ever permanent. These conflicts extend cumulatively and resolution to national as well as international issues can be possible. The main factor development can be attributed holistically which is the expansion of real freedoms. Economic, educational, participatory, competitive, transparent, expressive, an individual is a real challenge to develop. This development is a consolidating placement between formal and informal governance.

Development allows technology to flourish and such flourishing can advance or impede social capital with individual’s capital which should not monopolize the collective actions of development. Individual merit values if functional in social capital which can have real development. Society is both surrounded with the intellectuals and viscous circle.

A family elder brother or sister can sacrifice his/her life to contribute financially and physically to their youngest in providing them with education and security. That youngest rich can forget very easily the great contribution they have brought up with. Social capital should not be manipulated with development attainment and consuming discrepancy. Economy is as logically needed as knowledge intuitively. Society and state must ensure citizen security and fundamentals by establishing an exploitation free state and nation. To run a complex mechanism of state, informal governance is inevitable in order to innovate state-oriented functions through the participation of all sorts of people on institutional and non-institutional formulation. It will then protect social capital from its declination.

Informal lives and activities are quite common in social norms and socializing peoples among the countries. Earnings, settlements, security, responsibility, relationship without self-interest, cordiality, spontaneous support by the rich to the affected, victims, a relief from the formal governance to see how its important body informal governance can come forward to support the disaster prone peoples, alternative dispute resolutions by the informal bodies which are consisting of the socially recognized learned personnel in education or in religion or in ages, instant support for trading papers documentation, speed money practicing to expedite the consignee’s papers or tasks for his/her business, public talks in political agenda, cyber space renting for business advertisement, political campaign, socially personal video contents creating, constructive criticism over the ill performing in national issues, individual working employment and so many things have been socializing in a state.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I pay homage to all the teachers and associates to allow us to read in Masters of Governance and Development Studies in the Department of Government and Politics under Social Science faculty in Jahangirnagar University.

Society, Politics, State, Governance, Economics, Development, Gender and Development etc. are really fundamental studies to know how society works and how State functions. As I read throughout the year in tri semester, I begin to love to read more and I dream of taking a term paper at my third semester under the honourable faculty Professor Dr. Al Masud Hasanuzzaman who guided me in order to be on the right track of my research journey. To add to, all of my faculties are too kind and lovely to teach us from different perspectives to understand the related topics during the course timeline. My honour passes to them as well.

The content presented in this article relating to the topic-Understanding informal governance: Perspectives of Bangladesh is completely my effort to reading as many related topics as possible in order to filter them all into culminating my research goal. To make it so, I have been trying to note down my readings to relate them to my topics. Informal governance is in fact pervading everywhere as long as society is built.

Society advances with informal governance transformed into formal governance as a separate entity or binary entity. I, thereby, declare that all information put into my research is absolutely mine and to take my discussion into elaboration, I take the shelter of quoting relevant speeches, ideas, notions, hypothesis, concepts from the scholars’ or academicians’ writings through their books or journals. Not only my research focusing topics are secondary source based, but also they are determined by my taking effort into understanding lives in terms of below stands: State; Nation; Governance; Government; Citizen; Actor; Law and Order; Constitution; Executive; Legislative; Judiciary; Central Government; Local Government; Civil Society; Policy; Policy maker; Good Governance; Globalization; Informal Governance; Sociology; Politics; Political Sociology; Political Socialization; Political Economy; Economic Elite; Central Administration; Local Administration; Development; Democracy; Employment; and the like.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

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  7. Jan van Tatenhove a, Jeannette Mak b , Duncan Liefferink c , The inter-play between formal and informal practices , p-14, Published online : 18 Feb 2007.

a) Department of Social Sciences, Environmental Policy , Wageningen University , The Netherlands

b) Department of Political Science , University of Amsterdam , The Netherlands

c) Department of Environmental Policy Science , Raboud University , Nijmegan, The Netherlands

  1. Mareike Kleine, Informal governance and legitimacy in EU politics
  2. Gretchen Helmke and Levitsky (2004), Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A Research Agenda
  3. Sarah Ayres, A decentred assessment of the impact of ‘informal governance’ on democratic legitimacy in her reference taken from Turnbull N (2018) Policy design: Its enduring appeal in a complex world and how to think it differently. Public Policy and Administration 33(4): 357–364.
  4. Sarah Ayres University of Bristol, UK, A decentred assessment of the impact of ‘informal governance’ on democratic legitimacy,p-23
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  6. Sarah Ayres University of Bristol, UK, A decentred assessment of the impact of ‘informal governance’ on democratic legitimacy,p-23
  7. B. Guy Peters, Department of Political Science, University of Pittsburgh,PA, USA., Forms of Informality: Identifying Informal Governance in the European Union, p-31
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  11. Alena Ledeneva, The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality- Understanding Social and Cultural Complexity, p-IX , vol-1, First published in 2018 by UCL Press University College London, Gower Street,   London WC1E 6BT
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  38. Sarah Ayres (University of Bristol, UK), Assessing the impact of informal governance on political innovation
  39. Sarah Ayres (University of Bristol, UK), Assessing the impact of informal governance on political innovation
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  44. The UNDP, access to justice
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  46. Activating Village Courts in Bangladesh Project Local Government Division Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development & Cooperatives Government of the People‘s Republic of Bangladesh, April 2012 Copyright©AVCB Project, 2012 Published by Activating Village Courts in Bangladesh Project Local Government Division Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives Government of the People‘s Republic of Bangladesh
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  51. Analysing informal local governance institutions: practical guidance SDC/IDS/Helvetas/Swisspeace Authors: This analytical frame was developed by Sarah Byrne, with contributions from Corinne Huser, Harald Schenker, Lukas Krienbuehl, Miguel Loureiro and Shandana Khan Mohmand.

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  22. Ouédraogo, I.M. (2017) Governance, Corruption, and the Informal Economy. Modern Economy , 8, 256-271. https://doi.org/10.4236/me.2017.82018
  23. Graft and Governance: Corruption as an Informal Mechanism of State Control August 6, 2002 Keith Darden Department of Political Science Yale University
  24. Brodwyn Fischer (2022) Historicising informal governance in 20th century Brazil, Contemporary Social Science, 17:3, 205-221, DOI: 10.1080/21582041.2021.1919748
  25. DANIELLE RESNICK, Informal Food Markets in Africa‘s Cities
  26. Mareike Kleine (2018) Informal governance and legitimacy in EU politics, Journal of European Integration, 40:7, 873-888, DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2018.1482287
  27. Simona Piattoni (2006) Informal governance in structural policy, Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 7:1, 56-74, DOI: 10.1080/15705850600839561 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15705850600839561
  28. Randall, W. Stone,( University of Rochester) , ‗Informal Governance: International Organizations and the Limits of U.S. Power‘
  29. Mareike, Kleine, ‗Making Cooperation Work: Informal Governance in the EU and Beyond‘
  30. John Rapley (2012) The development of informal governance in postapartheid South Africa: Criminal gangs as neo-medieval agents, South African Journal of International Affairs, 19:3, 319-336, DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2012.740180 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2012.740180
  31. EE.Matthew Carmona (2017) The formal and informal tools of design governance, Journal of Urban Design, 22:1, 1-36, DOI: 10.1080/13574809.2016.1234338 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13574809.2016.1234338
  32. Saul, Estrin & Martha, Preveze ‗The role of informal institutions in corporate governance: Brazil, Russia, India, and China compared‘
  33. The dailies, social media, newspapers, etc.

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