Gender-Specific Challenges in Natural Resource Conflict Management: A Case Study of the River Rongai Area, Nakuru County, Kenya

Gender-Specific Challenges in Natural Resource Conflict Management: A Case Study of the River Rongai Area, Nakuru County, Kenya

Akai susan Akoya, Chesikaw Lillian Rotich, Cheplogoi Shadrack Kemboi

Egerton University, Egerton, Kenya

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.908000549

Received: 14 August 2025; Accepted: 21 August 2025; Published: 20 September 2025

ABSTRACT

Natural resource conflict management is the strategies and practices employed a community to address disputes over natural resources. In the River Rongai area, this process is shaped by societal, cultural, and institutional factors that influence participation in peacebuilding. The area experiences sporadic water conflicts among smallholder farmers, large-scale farmers and domestic users. This study sought to examine the gender-specific challenges that affect participation in natural resource conflict management in the River Rongai area. An explanatory sequential mixed methods research design was adopted. The study population comprised stakeholders involved in water use from the river, from which a sample of 138 respondents was selected using multistage sampling. Purposive sampling was employed to select key informants, including community leaders and local government officers and focus group participants. Data were collected through participant observation, focus group discussions, and key informant interviews. Qualitative data were transcribed, coded, and analyzed thematically to identify emerging patterns, while quantitative data were analyzed descriptively. The results revealed notable gendered barriers to participation, including gender stereotypes, gendered divisions of labour and unequal access to decision-making spaces. Women, in particular, were underrepresented in key conflict resolution forums, while youth faced limited recognition of their role in peacebuilding. The study concludes that addressing gendered barriers through inclusive policy frameworks, capacity-building initiatives, and equitable representation in decision-making is essential for sustainable natural resource conflict management.

Keywords: Gender, Natural resource conflic management, Peacebuilding

INTRODUCTION

Gender refers to socially constructed characteristics of femininity and masculinity, including cultural norms and roles attributed to women and men. Perceptions of and views on gender vary between societies and can change over time (Nagoshi et al., 2012). Gender inequality affects everyone, but can be particularly damaging for women and girls (UN WOMEN, 2017). The development sector has long been addressing gender, aiming to engage and empower women in the context of humanitarian and development interventions (UN WOMEN, 2017). There is evidence of change when women are intentionally considered in both policy and activities (Duffo, 2012; Taukobong et al., 2016). Many development organizations have developed gender policies that have progressed from simply including women and increasing their participation to a more transformative approach. This involves addressing deeply entrenched patriarchal systems, including cultural and traditional norms that underpin and exacerbate gender-based discrimination, exploitation and violence, and making this work an integral component of programmes and projects.

Natural resources conflicts often relate to disputes over rights to use, own or access land, water, forest resources or fisheries and to wildlife conflicts (Kyem et al., 2021). Addressing NRCM through a gender lens involves looking beyond the visible, public aspects of inter-community disputes to explore the underlying dynamics within societies, communities and households as part of stakeholder analysis generally and gender analysis specifically (Ramirez, 1999). Taking a gendered approach helps to understand the distinct roles, responsibilities, needs and sources of power for men and women (Fisher B 2003). Gender equality opens a greater range of possibilities for analysis and resolution (Proksch, 2016).

In many rural contexts, including River Rongai, gender dynamics significantly influence how individuals participate in and benefit from conflict management processes (Rahim & Katz, 2020). Cultural norms, gendered divisions of labor, and unequal access to decision-making spaces often limit women’s and youth’s roles in peacebuilding and resource governance (Onu et al., 2024). How natural resource conflict is addressed, determines whether outcomes are sustainable and equitable (Onu et al., 2024). This study, therefore, seeks to investigate gender-specific challenges that shape participation in natural resource conflict management in the River Rongai area, with a view to informing more inclusive and effective strategies for peacebuilding and resource governance.

LITERATURE REVIEW 

Natural Resource-Based Conflict in Africa Region

Resource based conflicts in Africa are studied along geographical boundaries, that is; areas that witness conflict (Olanrewaju et al., 2020). Olanrewaju et al. categorize conflicts into distinct systems, identifying the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes region as the most volatile. They highlight multiple linkages that connect various conflicts in these regions to national, regional, and international dynamics, creating a complex interdependencies that sometimes escalate tensions across borders. As stated earlier, it is argued that conflicts arise from environmental resources that communities share. For instance, conflict between herders and farmers in Ethiopia’s Awash Valley and in the Nile flood plain of Sudan’s Equatorial Province have linkages to wider regional conflicts involving Sudan, Ethiopia and Egypt (Teferi, 2019).

There are several keyways in which natural resources contribute to prolonged conflict. The first and most widely recognized is their use as a source of funding for armed groups. With the withdrawal of superpower support after the Cold War, many rebel movements turned to exploiting the natural resources within their control to finance warfare. Examples of this can be seen in Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Liberia, and Sierra Leone, where revenues from resources such as diamonds were used to sustain violent struggles (Kawamoto, 2012).

Secondly, natural resource sites have often become intense battlegrounds due to their strategic value. Control over resource-rich areas fuels the intensity and scale of violence, as seen in the fierce clashes for Kisangani in the DRC between Ugandan and Rwandan forces. Similarly, Angola’s diamond-rich provinces, Luanda Norte and Luanda Sul, were some of the most hotly contested regions during its civil war. Third, groups that control valuable natural resources often become resistant to peace negotiations (Agbonifo, 2021). According to Agbonifo, leaders like Jonas Savimbi of UNITA in Angola, Charles Taylor of the NPFL in Liberia, and Foday Sankoh of the RUF in Sierra Leone exemplify how access to resource wealth can reduce incentives for reaching peace settlements.

A fourth way in which natural resources prolong conflict is through the rise of local actors who seek to benefit from the chaos. These stakeholders, emerge during conflict periods and take advantage of resource wealth for personal or group gain (Kawamoto, 2012). This has been notably observed in conflicts in Liberia and the DRC. Lastly, the presence of natural resources attracts external involvement. Neighbouring countries, private military contractors, and multinational corporations often enter conflict zones motivated by the potential to profit from natural wealth. This external interest can complicate conflict dynamics and prolong instability (Kawamoto, 2012).

In addition to fueling conflicts, NR can also play a critical role in resolving them. Their contribution to peace depends on three main factors (Ahmadia et al., 2022). First is the role that resources played in causing the conflict. Resolution often requires a clear and mutually acceptable agreement negotiated or imposed on how these resources will be managed post-conflict. A case in point is the role of diamonds in Sierra Leone’s conflict resolution process.

Second is the extent of environmental damage caused by the conflict. In heavily affected areas, peacebuilding efforts must include plans for repairing degraded ecosystems, as was necessary in post-war Liberia (Gallo-Cruz et al., 2021). The third factor involves the degree of external mediation. Sometimes, international actors can impose terms on how NRs are managed, which can support peace efforts. A historical example is Britain’s involvement in Zimbabwe’s liberation war, where certain conditions were placed on land management during negotiations though these later sparked fresh conflicts (Mvundura, 2023).

Natural resources can also play a stabilizing role after a peace agreement is signed (Ezekiel et al., 2022). In some cases, managing key resources becomes part of implementing peace accords. In Sierra Leone, for example, the rebel leader Foday Sankoh was appointed head of the mineral resource commission as part of the 1999 Lomé Agreement. The hope was that giving him control over resource management would encourage his forces to comply with the peace deal. However, this strategy failed, as Sankoh was unable to ensure the agreement was upheld, leading many researchers to critique the accord’s structure (Kaifala, 2016).

From the reviewed literature, it is evident that natural resources, governance, and conflict are interconnected across the African context. These dynamics are shaped by gender roles, norms, and inequalities, which influence how different groups access, use, and control natural resources. While many studies have broadly examined these linkages, gendered dimensions remain under-explored in both academic and policy discourse (Bhattacharyya et al., 2021). This study argues that incorporating gender into NRCM is essential for understanding the drivers and consequences of conflict, particularly at the local level. To relate to the River Rongai area, the research examined how gender influences everyday interactions with natural resources, patterns of vulnerability and community responses to conflict.

Natural resource conflicts management in Kenya

Kenya has consistently grappled with conflicts related to the use and control of natural resources such as water, forests, land, and minerals (Ombara, 2021). These resource-based disputes are particularly sensitive as they directly affect the livelihoods and survival of communities. (Robinson, 2016). Many people, especially in rural areas, are highly dependent on natural resources for everyday sustenance and economic activities. Both renewable and non-renewable resources carry the potential to trigger conflict. Renewable resources, such as arable land, freshwater, firewood, and fisheries are among those most commonly linked to outbreaks of violence. Non-renewable resources, including petroleum and mineral deposits, have also been central to longstanding disputes (Robinson, 2016).

A key contributor to the escalation of such conflicts is the absence or inefficiency of conflict resolution systems that are local and gender sensitive. Disagreements often emerge among different stakeholders ranging from local communities and private developers to government institutions and civil society organizations, over how natural resources should be accessed, managed, and distributed. If left unresolved, these conflicts can escalate into violent confrontations, accelerate environmental degradation, and further destabilize livelihoods (Bayu et al., 2020).

A gender inclusive approach to NRM, particularly from the grassroots level, provides space for meaningful engagement of local communities, as the community members have firsthand experience and understanding of the issues. For this reason, this study supports the adoption of conflict resolution mechanisms that prioritize community participation and are gender sensitive. On many occasions it has been formal litigation, typically a state-led approach, which often excludes affected populations from active involvement in sustainable peace building. This is due not only to its coercive nature but also to the procedural complexities that can hinder its practical effectiveness (Day et al., 2021).

According to Day et al (2021) national legal systems have faced criticism for several shortcomings until recently. These include limited accessibility for disadvantaged populations such as the poor, women, marginalised groups and those living in remote areas. Barriers such as high costs, geographical distance, language differences, political constraints, and low literacy levels make it difficult for these groups to access the state legal system. Additionally, state-based legal mechanisms frequently overlook traditional knowledge systems, local governance structures and the long-term needs of communities. The technical and adversarial nature of judicial processes often results in win-lose outcomes and limits participatory decision-making. Issues such as a lack of judicial independence, corruption and the dominance of elite actors further undermine the impartiality and inclusivity of legal proceedings. The use of specialised legal jargon also tends to favour government actors over grassroots communities (Day et al., 2021).

To manage natural resource conflicts effectively and equitably it is essential to employ a gender inclusive approach. These approaches help balance power relations, reconcile competing interests, and foster realistic expectations among conflicting parties. Gender considerations can support the development of peaceful societies where no group uses its position of strength to marginalise or silence others (Schirch, 2022).

Gendered challenges in Natural Resource Conflict Management.

Scholarly literature on gender mainstreaming in conflict management and peace building processes highlights that increasing women’s participation in public decision-making can sometimes produce unintended consequences within the domestic sphere. In various settings, women’s involvement in natural resource management and conflict resolution initiatives has been linked to rising domestic tensions, including resistance or disapproval from spouses and other family members (Cornwall, 2003; Agarwal, 2010). Such reactions are often because of the perception that women’s public engagement disrupts established gender roles, particularly in contexts where patriarchal norms remain deeply entrenched. Additionally, participation in these processess can add to women’s domestic workload, as they are expected to maintain their domestic responsibilities while taking on new community roles. These outcomes are sometimes normalised. Agarwal (2010) in ecofeminism perspectives, argues that there is a need for a closer examination, especially with regard to how programme design and implementation might be restructured to alleviate gender inequality, without undermining the goal of gender transformation.

Prevailing gender norms position men as the primary providers and protectors of their households. This socially constructed role places pressure on men to and assert control over essential natural resources such as land and water. As highlighted in existing literature, these expectations often drive men to adopt competitive or even confrontational strategies in resource-scarce environments (Leach et al., 1999; Cleaver, 2002). In contexts where resource access is contested, men tend to resort to aggressive behaviours such as coercion, or physical confrontation with rival groups, as a means of fulfilling their provider role (Barker et al., 2005), (Kuppens et al., 2012). Such actions not only intensify intergroup tensions but also expose men to the risks of injury or death. This gendered dynamic underscores how masculinities are implicated in patterns of conflict over natural resources and reinforces the need for conflict management approaches that are sensitive to gender.

Gender analysis in NRCM often focuses on the relationships between men and women, with scholars increasingly emphasising the importance of recognising social differentiation within these categories, particularly among women. Differences related to age, ethnicity, marital status, education, religion, and socio-economic standing significantly influence women’s access to resources and participation in NRCM (Rocheleau et al., 1996) (Mohanty, 2003). Some literature further points out that gender-focused interventions can amplify the voices of privileged women. Examples include women who are older, married, educated, or affiliated with recognised women’s associations. The experiences and needs of women who do not fall in the above groups are oftenly sidelined. Participation is often structured along geographic lines (e.g. by village or locality) often without attention to intersecting identities that shape women’s realities. This approach can contribute to the exclusion of younger women, those with limited education, or women from minority ethnic or religious backgrounds.

Another challenge in gender-responsive natural resource conflict management lies in the quality of women’s participation. While the inclusion of women in peace committees would be a positive step, there may be no equality of appointments of men and women. With just one or two women on such a committee, ensuring meaningful engagement or decision-making tables may remain a challenge. There is therefore the need for long-term strategies and policies that move beyond symbolic inclusion and promote genuinely transformative participation (Ogega, 2022).

Research Design

This study adopted an explanatory sequential mixed methods design, which involved collecting and analyzing quantitative data in the first phase, followed by qualitative data to explain and build upon the initial results (Creswell et al., 2018). This design was appropriate for the River Rongai catchment study as it allowed for an initial assessment of patterns and relationships related to gendered natural resource conflict management through a structured survey, followed by in-depth qualitative exploration through interviews, participant observation and focus group discussions. The sequential design enabled a deeper understanding of both the measurable trends and the lived experiences behind gendered experiences of NRCM.

RESULTS & DISCUSSION

Gender barriers to participation in conflict management are not simply a matter of presence or absence during periods of conflict and peace-building. In the River Rongai area, they reflect structural inequalities such as access to education, information, institutional spaces and decision-making authority that influence NRCM.

Table 1: Level of education of respondents in River Rongai area, May 2025.

While women are significantly affected by water-related conflicts, their participation in conflict management remains limited (Yerian et al., 2014). Several informants noted that women are often discouraged or fatigued by repeated exclusion, leading some to give up on engaging with formal decision-making processes. Cultural expectations, limited access to information, and perceived lack of influence were commonly cited as reasons for their withdrawal. As one household respondent put it,

“Sometimes you speak once or twice, and when no one listens, you just stop attending the meetings.”

This points to evident how unequal power dynamics not only exclude women but can also erode their motivation and willingness to participate in future efforts.

Gender analyses in the Solomon Islands and Brazil show that although women feel resources need to be better managed, they may lack access to the information and resources needed to contribute meaningfully to decisions (Di Ciommo et al., 2012). In many parts of the world, and in this River Rongai study, women and girls have reduced access to education (particularly secondary and tertiary, Table 1), which can limit their invitation and perceived legitimacy to be part of conservation actions, and their access to positions within natural resource management organizations. For example, it was evident from the study that, the composition of the Peace Committee in Rongai constituency is made up of men only.

Further studies from Bolivia, Mexico, Uganda and Kenya found the likelihood that a woman would be entrusted with the responsibility of representing the household on a Peace Committee increased with her level of education (Coleman et al.,2013).  This demonstrates that lack of access to education can be a barrier for women, preventing them from contributing to natural resource management.

One person in the youth only FGD further revealed that parents’ lack of appreciation of the importance of education (because they themselves are not educated) means they are not motivated to guide their children’s education, which has contributed to rising dropout rates. Furthermore, lower educational qualifications, fewer skills due to lack of formal education and poor command of English are cited as barriers for the youth and make them less competitive in the job market or even to participate in conflict resolution meetings. These dropout students are exposed to alcohol addiction and become involved in activities that could further create conflict in the community.

Many rural areas of developing countries, women are disproportionately burdened with unpaid care and domestic responsibilities (Soliku, 2018). Similarly, in the River Rongai community, a significant gender-specific barrier that emerged from the study is this overwhelming workload, which includes tasks such as fetching water, childcare, cooking, cleaning, and small-scale farming. These responsibilities contribute to what is commonly referred to as “time poverty,” severely limiting women’s ability to attend Water resource Users Association(WRUA) meetings, participate in public barazas, or engage meaningfully in peacebuilding and natural resource conflict management processes.

Many community leaders, farmers, and local committee members engaged in conflict management also have other primary responsibilities, such as farming, business, or formal employment, making it difficult to attend meetings or participate in decision-making processes attentively.

Women challenges were linked to household responsibilities, especially childcare and water collection duties, which added to the strain of balancing NRCM with domestic obligations. Several women noted that they would have been unable to attend meetings or participate in mediations without family members stepping in to assist with household work. One female participant in a female-only FGD explained,

 “…If my sister had not come to help with the children and animals, I would have missed all the meetings that month.”

This proves how gendered divisions of labour directly affect women’s ability to engage in natural resource conflict management, despite being among the most affected by water scarcity and conflict.

 A woman from a household interview, captured this challenge, stating that,

“By the time I finish everything at home… the meeting is already over. And if I don’t cook, the children won’t eat.”

Men reported logistical barriers, in form of work-related travel or income-generating activities. women are faced with unpaid care work and domestic responsibilities. This difference highlights how gendered divisions of labour influence participation in local natural resource conflict management.

In the study area, some women described cultural norms that constrain men from openly supporting gender roles. According to a female only FGD, men are often ridiculed or seen as less masculine by their peers if they assist their wives with domestic chores or farm work, particularly those men who do not hold formal leadership positions such as in village barazas or WRUA. This social pressure discourages male involvement in tasks traditionally perceived as women’s responsibilities, even when men may be willing to help.

Additionally, women only focused group discussion shared that within the community, it is still somewhat normalized for a man to physically discipline his wife if she is perceived as failing in her duties at home or on the farm. However, in cases where a woman is seen as highly competent in managing both household and field responsibilities yet still experiences violence from her spouse, she may choose to return to her parents’ home or, in rare instances, assertively resist the abuse. Such forms of resistance from women, if they happen are viewed by the community as unusual, highlighting the gendered power dynamics and social expectations that persist within River Rongai community.

Eleven out of 14 participants in interviews revealed that while the government has made several attempts to address the underlying causes of natural resource conflict in the River Rongai catchment, its interventions have largely remained reactive rather than transformative. Government agencies often respond to escalating tensions by deploying security personnel to de-escalate the situation and prevent the outbreak of violence or potential loss of life. However, all these measures are short-term and, in most cases, fall short of addressing the structural drivers of conflict, such as unequal access to water, deforestation, and poor land-use practices.

The politicization of water resource issues further complicates conflict resolution. One member of a youth FGD highlighted that during election periods some politicians exploit NR conflicts by using promises of improved water governance as campaign tools,

“They come and tell us they’ll fix the water problem if we elect them but once elected, nothing changes.”

The youth believed this strategic use of resource-related grievances for political gain, without commitment to long-term solutions, undermines trust and reinforces cycles of frustration and conflict.

Community members have attempted to voice their frustrations over water scarcity through peaceful demonstrations. For instance, an interview with the chief from Makongeni location revealed instances where groups of women carrying empty water cans and buckets marched peacefully in the marketplace to draw attention from the government authorities about the lack of access to clean and reliable water from the river. These symbolic acts show women’s everyday struggles and are meant to provoke dialogue or action. However, such protests are perceived as a threat and police often respond with disproportionate force, including the use of teargas and firing shots into the air to disperse the demonstrators. This is indeed a challenge because the women are unarmed but face armed police force interrupting their peaceful protests.

As a result of the police response, men also, have begun arming themselves during such demonstrations, carrying pangas and other crude weapons, not to instigate violence but, they say, to protect themselves in anticipation of police aggression. During a FGD with men only, the participants stated that,

“Our men have to come out and act as protectors, they have to risk their lives holding pangas and lighting fires by the roadside. It can easily lead to them hurting themselves or even when police fire at them it can cause death. It is indeed a challenge.”

CONCLUSION

While gendered challenges patterns were clear, there is considerable evidence from the literature that purposeful and inclusive engagement of people can increase the impact of NRCM. Although gender inequality affects everyone, it can be particularly damaging for women (UN WOMEN, 2017). Existing societal and cultural norms influence and generally prescribe how women and men manage natural resources. Women interact differently with the environment than men. If their views on the causes, consequences and solutions to poor resources management or water shortages are excluded, their unique knowledge and perspectives may not be considered in future conflict management or peace building endeavours.

For these two reasons then (environmental and social change; and gendered aspects of water use and NRCM), this study reaches one key conclusion. Until now, flare ups and conflict associated with water shortages have been successfully managed by skilled, thoughtful, socially and politically astute actions carried out by some very able and much respected people. However, given the environmental and social changes already happening, the single most important change that is needed are measures to increase the engagement of skilled, thoughtful and astute women in conflict analysis and action, vis-à-vis unsustainable abstraction of water in times of water shortage. Indeed, the same could be said for increasing women’s and youth engagement in natural resources conflict management in general.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Natural resource conflict management interventions especially, those that seek to address water-related conflict, are not just about resolving immediate disputes. They must also address environmental and social change, and work toward broader goals of sustainable peace and equitable resource access, even during seasonal scarcity. This includes tackling the structural drivers of conflict, such as unregulated water use and pollution. Some of these interventions require state-level policy reforms like abstraction regulation, while others can be addressed at the community level, such as unequal gender participation in conflict management

To address gendered barriers in conflict resolution processes, this study recommends that safe, women-led forums for community dialogue and integrating gender quotas in peace committees should be created. Women in Rongai face multiple barriers to active participation from domestic workloads and restrictions to low confidence in public spaces and exclusion from local decision-making. Even where women are nominally included, they often lack real influence Revising Peace Committee frameworks to make gender inclusion a performance indicator, not just a box-ticking exercise. This includes budgeting for women’s capacity building and logistical support (e.g., childcare, transport allowances).

Policy recommendation

The findings of this study affirm the relevance of Kenya’s existing environmental, gender, and water governance policies particularly the National Water Policy (2021), Water Act (2016), National Gender and Development Policy (2019) and Kenya’s Vision 2030. These frameworks already contain provisions aimed at inclusive water governance, sustainable water resource management, and climate adaptation. However, implementation remains uneven and poorly localized in rural areas like River Rongai.

For instance, while the Water Act (2016) outlines the structure and role of Water Resource Users Associations (WRUAs), in practice, many WRUAs lack gender parity, youth representation, and the financial and institutional support to effectively function. Similarly, the National Gender and Development Policy emphasizes the need for women’s participation in environmental decision-making, yet in Rongai, fewer than 20% of women had ever attended a water governance meeting, with even fewer reporting active participation. The study therefore recommends:

• Operationalizing existing frameworks at the county level, ensuring that WRUAs and Peace Committees implement affirmative action policies on gender and youth inclusion.
• Investing in community training and awareness, particularly for women and youth, to ensure they understand their rights, the functions of local governance bodies, and the implications of unregulated water use.

Ethical considerations

An introduction letter to National Commission for Science, Technology and Innovations ((NACOSTI) was obtained from Egerton University graduate school. A research permit was obtained from NACOSTI before the commencement of data collection exercise and further approval was sought from the administrative leadership and local authorities in the study area. Research ethics were upheld throughout the research period as the information collected was strictly for the study and handled with utmost confidentiality

Conflict of interest

There was no conflict of interest in this study.

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