Correlation between Drivers of Belligerent Fulani Herders’ Criminality and the Probability of Dying in Plateau State, Nigeria

Correlation between Drivers of Belligerent Fulani Herders’ Criminality and the Probability of Dying in Plateau State, Nigeria

Adamu G. Kasa^1(ID), Abbah Umaru², Talatu Buba Bello³

¹Lecturer, Department of  Sociology, Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria,

²Senior Lecturer, Niger State College of Education, Minna, Nigeria,

³Senior Lecturer, Department of  Political Science, Taraba State University, Nigeria,

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2023.70805

Received: 09 July 2023; Revised: 10 July 2023; Accepted: 14 July 2023; Published: 14 August 2023

ABSTRACT

This paper examined the probability of dying by the crimes of belligerent Fulani herders in Plateau State, Nigeria. The study adopted the Rational Choice theoretical framework of analysis. The study was conducted in Plateau State, Nigeria, with a 400-person sample size, and data were collected using a survey method. The findings revealed a correlation between the factors that led belligerent Fulani herders in Plateau State to conduct crimes and differences in the likelihood of dying due to those factors. This article recommended: the deradicalization of primordial religious ideologies, the return of displaced people, and the revision of grazing reserve law.

Keywords – Belligerent Fulani Herders; Criminality; Fulanization; Jihad; Land-grabbing; Proliferation of SALW

INTRODUCTION

The Fulani herders’ crimes are not contemporary as they predate the existence of many modern African countries, particularly nation-states in West Africa and the Sahel region – like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, and Guinea. The motivations of Fulani insurgency globally from times past have been over the control of land resources and Fulanization, systematically done through the replacement of other existing Governments or authorities with the Caliphate system (Enor & Magor, 2020).In Plateau state, the center of the Middle Belt, Nigeria, the increased criminality has profited from the tremendous rise in ethnic animosity and violence between the Plateau people and herders for roughly 20 years (Bagu & Smith, 2017).

Belligerence is considered heroic and noble in some climes(Navera, 2020). Quintessentially, the Fulani enshrined it in their fundamental philosophy of heroism (Musa, 2018). Belligerence is two folds; a belligerent person could be perceived as an aggressor, and another, a freedom fighter(Emmanuel, 2021).As a result, belligerent pomposity may be an ideology that values coercion, including acts of violence against the helpless in a given society, for some reasons (Navera, 2020; Zaini & Abdul, 2020). In 2015, the Global Terrorism Index classified the belligerent Fulani herdersas the fourth deadliest terrorist group in the world(Chinwokwu, 2019). It is important to note that Plateau State was one of the most peaceful states in Nigeria (Obaje, 2018; Okoro & Avosetinyen, 2018) until 2001, when violent conflict erupted between the majority Christian indigenes and majority Muslim Fulani/Hausa settlers.

As claimed by the Fulani herders’ leadership, the justification for these onslaughts is that the Government of Nigeria failed to yield to their demands to recover demarcated grazing routes and reserves, provide water for their livestock, and security against cattle rustlers. (Ekpo & Tobi, 2019). On the other hand, the Plateau people and other Nigerian farmers often claimed that the Nigerian Government did not adequately resolve the cause of their clashes with the Fulani herders, especially when the herders killed them and destroyed their farms. In the quest for self-help, some Fulani became belligerent in Nigeria and commenced acts of criminality in Nigeria, especially in Plateau State. These crimes carried out by the belligerent Fulani herders manifest themselves in the loss of lives and properties, community attacks, genocide, terrorism, banditry, rape, arson, kidnapping of individuals or group(s) of individuals like school children, miners, passengers, and the forceful displacement of the indigenes from their ancestral lands(Anaele, 2020b).

Plateau State has the slogan: home of peace and tourism(Segun & Jegede, 2013); it was peaceful until 2001 (Obaje, 2018; Okoro & Avosetinyen, 2018) when a young woman was denied passage on astreet in Jos during a Muslims Friday prayer (Musa, 2018). Since 2001, Plateau State has had occasional pockets of ethnoreligious clashes(Yusha’u et al., 2020). Farmers (mostly indigenes) and herders (mostly Fulani) were dissatisfied with the Government’s handling of the conflicts (Danladi & Sule, 2019; Musa, 2018). The Government’s inability to manage the conflict propels some aggrieved herders to resort to criminality: killing, kidnapping, and land-grabbing, as a means of self-help (Yusha’u et al., 2020). In 2010, the operations of the belligerent Fulani herders became clear through open-grazing, damaging farm products, driving farmers from their communities, and killing farmers (Okanlawon, 2019).

On the other hand, the indigenous people of Plateau State accuse the Federal Government of complicity in the violent Fulani herders’ forceful taking over of their farms and communities (Lenshie & Jacob, 2020). The lawlessness advanced by aggressive Fulani herders transformed into full-blown criminality motivated by land-grabbing(Ekpo & Tobi, 2019; Ezirigwe, 2021; Li, 2018) and the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (Afolabi, 2020; Dismas, 2020). On March 7, 2010, the belligerent Fulani herders maimed over 500 indigene farmers in one night and destroyed property worth hundreds of millions of Naira in Dogo-Nahawa, Jos South LGA(R. E. Okoro & Avosetinyen, 2018). On July 8, 2012, the Fulaniherders criminals killed 52 and over 200 the next day during the burial of the 52 deaths in Ropp and Rinji of Barkin Ladi LGA. Besides, the belligerent Fulaniherders’ criminality claimed thousands of lives and displaced more than 62,000 people from their indigenous communities in Plateau State (Okoro & Avosetinyen, 2018). Table 1 below shows some deaths recorded due to the Fulani herders’ criminality in Plateau State.

Table 1: List of deaths by Belligerent Fulani herders’ criminals in Plateau State from 2010 to February 2022

Source: Researcher’s compilation, 2021

The drivers of the aggressive Fulani herders’ criminality studied in this paper – among many others – are Land-grabbing, Jihad/Fulanization, and the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW). Therefore, this paper aims to achieve two objectives. Firstly, to assess the effects of crime committed by the belligerent Fulani herders. The second objective is to investigate the connection between each driver of the belligerent Fulani herders’ acts of criminality and the frequency of death caused if motivated by a particular driver in Plateau State, Nigeria.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Among the biggest threats to Nigeria’s security is the belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality; others include Boko Haram and banditry(Nwankwo, Ike, Officha, Obi & Peters, 2019). Belligerencerhetoric strengthens support for the philosophy of rescuing society from the ills surrounding it, whether real or imagined (Navera, 2020).Often, the public expresses its need for revenge against those who have mistreated them through aggression; it is bloodthirsty, elevates the self while demeaning the other, and elevates those who offer rapid relief as heroes (Navera, 2020). When disputes come from organized groups like the Fulani (Olonade, George, Imhonopi, Egharevba & Kasa, 2022), they are considered war crimes committed during peacetime. The conflict might be seen as a source of danger and resentment since they include the unlawful use of force or violence against an outsider.(Putra, 2020). This article likened the criminality committed by the belligerent Fulani herders to terrorism, which originates from a sovereign government and means intimidating actions carried out with the support of an established government against a segment of its population, institutions, or another foreign government.

The violent Fulani herders’ criminality in Plateau State, especially those perpetrated by the Bororo Fulani ethnic extraction, is about land-grabbing, as they claim non-representation in the Nigerian political scene Awotokun, Nwozor & Olarinwaju (2020). The Bororo of the Fulani ethnic group has the most quest for land-grabbing because they are seldom represented on the Nigerian political scene. This category of belligerent Fulani herders took over the Plateau people’s ancestral lands and annihilated them. The Plateau people have repeatedly pleaded with the Federal Government of Nigeria to end the hostilities, but the Government’s efforts had little to no success.

It is concerning that the violent Fulani herders continue to justify their act of land land-grabbing in Plateau State and other parts of the country on farmers’ encroachment on their grazing reserves (Shehu, 2018). In the 1960s, the Nigerian Northern State promulgated “the Northern Region Grazing Reserve Law of 1965″(Johnson-Odusanya, 2019; Kwaja & Ademola-Adelehin, 2018),establishing grazing reserves and transhuman routes.

However, development annexed these reserves and the transhuman routes meant for the passage of animals(Danladi & Sule, 2019). Consequently, belligerent Fulani herders claimed that the inability of the Government to implement and sustain the grazing reserves and the transhuman routes is a major cause of their hostility; out of 4,125 grazing reserves, only 1,872 are in use, whiledevelopment and farming activities overtake the remaining 2,253(Danladi & Sule, 2019).

Jihad/Fulanization of Nigeria is another driving factor for the belligerent Fulani herders ‘criminality in Plateau State, Nigeria. The genealogy of the concept of Fulanization is that the root word is “Fulani,” and the suffix “ize” meansto convert to or provide a specific character or form(Taiwo & Dontele, 2020). Therefore, Fulanization in this context means to displace and replace other cultures with that of theFulani; it means also to bring other people into the Fulani people’s domination, control, and influence. The former Head of State, and the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Olusegun Obasanjo, made the concept famous when he alarmed in 2019 that “Boko Haram is for West African Fulanization, “African Islamization”(Onifade & Kolade, 2020; Sahara Reporters, 2019).

The Fulanization concept is intertwined with Jihad(Adichie & Justice, 2021; Allison, 2021). Allison argued that the unhealthy relationships that climaxed Violent Fulani herders’criminal attacks in Nigeria could be traced to the negative turnarounds between the Fulani and the Hausa tribes. These ethnic nationalities lived peacefully until Usman Dan-Fodio waged his Jihad of 1804 that brought about the Fulani’s dominance, control, and the installation of Emirs (of only Fulani descent) in all the Fulani conquered regions of the regions in Nigeria(Anaele, 2020a; Duruji, 2012; Okanlawon, 2019; Tukur, 2018). Even after the 1804 Jihad, the Fulani, in the quest for expansion, brought their Fulanization agenda nationally through the Northern Nigerian Government by establishing cattle routes and grazing areas.

There is agreement among researchers that the proliferation of SALW is one of the drivers of criminality committed by the hostile Fulani herders in Nigeria (Afolabi, 2020; Clarke, 2020; Sambo, Sule, Deribe & Ahmed, 2020; Sule, Mikail & Yahaya, 2020b). About a 640million SALWS were estimated to be in circulation globally, 100million in Africa, and a 30million in Sub-Saharan Africa (Olamide & Emmanuel, 2018). Furthermore, 50% of these SALWS were in the hands of civilians(Genyi, 2017). Besides, Boko Haram (BH), Islamic State of West African province (ISWAP), banditry, weak governance, insurrection, violent electoral conflict, communal conflicts, and militancy are some factors that aggravated the proliferation of SALW in Nigeria (Afolabi, 2020). Other global factors responsible for the increase in SALW are the Arab Spring and the globalization of Islamic Fundamentalism (Aborhey, 2019; Nelson et al., 2019).

Some research discovered that the armorers of the Nigerianmilitary and security agencies engaged in illicit activities by stealing or selling the State’s fire(arms) to criminals(Sambo et al., 2020). For instance, the Nigeria Police reported the missing 1,748,459 firearms and ammunition (Abolade, 2022); the assertion is that criminal groups in Nigeria are surviving on the stolen weapons and ammunition(Reinl, 2019).Again, the producing countries of SALW have the quest for easy profit and money-making, which encourage the illegal supply of SALW to Africa and other vulnerable countries(Sambo et al., 2020). The producing SALW producing countries do not care about the users’ intent because they are making billions of dollars from their business. Still, some scholars observed that the volatile nature of African politics is another causal factor for the circulation of SALW. The politicians sponsor ethnic militias and thugs by arming them with weapons to help them win elections by unleashing violence and terror to intimidate their opposition(Sambo et al., 2020). The aftermath of thuggery after polls is that it becomes impossible for the politicians to mop up the arms in the hands of their thugs. Consequently, the political thugs continue using the weapons for illegal operations, including banditry, kidnappings, burglary, ethnic cleansing, and robbery, as obtainable in many African states today (UN Institute for Disarmament Research, 2008)Sambo et al.(2020).

RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY OF CRIME

This study employed the Rational Choice Theory by Stein and Raymond in 1967, one of the deterrence theories of crime (Mjoset, 2001; Okwara, 2021). It originates from the field of economics (Ritzer, 2011). The scholars investigated the economic effects of crime. According to the theorists, criminals calculate the desired outcome of their actions as they work toward their predetermined goal(s) before committing them(Ahmad, Hussain, Akbar & Rehman, 2022; Nyongesa, 2019).Some rationalist theorists (Lohmann, 2008) highlight that the theory predicts the outcome and pattern of choices rather than describing the process. They contend that before carrying out an attack, criminals often do “cost-benefit analysis and restricted utility maximization.” The argument that terrorists seek to minimize costs helps us understand the choices of weapons and personnel deployed in a terror attack (Nyongesa, 2019).

            The belligerent Fulani herders are human beings who commit crimes by the reasoned ideology derived from primordial beliefs that they are meant to dominate (Anaele, 2020b; Sangare, 2019). Sometimes, people presumed the belligerent Fulani herders as inhumane and irrational. However, Rational Choice Theoristsposit that criminals typically conduct a cost-benefit analysis and constrained utility maximization before attacking. The belligerent Fulani’s choice of lethal firearms for their attacks displays rationality to achieve maximum benefit. The connection between this theory of Rational Choice and the phenomenon under study is exuded in the belligerent Fulani herders weighed the benefit of attacking in Plateau State – taking over farmlands belonging to the indigenous people – and understood that the benefits outweighed the choice of no traiding attacks in the State.

METHODOLOGY

The data employed in the study were primary and secondary. The primary data were sourced through a survey on belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality in Plateau State, Nigeria. The survey method was conducted through the administration of questionnaire in four purposively selected Local Government Areas (LGAs) as they are the most affected by the violent Fulani herders crime: Barkin Ladi, Bassa, Jos-South, and Riyom; and the study population consisted of both the indigenes, Fulani, and other settlers of the selected LGAs of the State. The four chosen LGAs have a population of 1,059,500, and a sample size of 399.85 (approximately 400) was determined using Yamane Taro’s population size formula. Copies of the google forms questionnaire (find the questionnaire on this link: https://forms.gle/tu96ZDwP85e8JsGu8).The justification for using Google Forms in this study is that it changed the questionnaire’s coding from utterly manual to semi-automatic, decreasing the possibility of mistakes. Because the intended number of copies (400) of the questionnaire was tracked in real-time, the google forms also lessened, if not eliminated, the challenge of not returning or collecting copies of the questionnaire.

Forty-one (41) Federal Electoral Wards (FEWs) are in the four selected LGAs for this study. Thirty-two (32) FEWs were selected out of the 41 FEWs for the questionnaire administration. Copies of the questionnaire were administered to eight FEWs in each of the four selected LGAs. However, these FEWs nominated for dispensing the questionnaire were within the selected LGAs. Copies of the questionnaire were administered in five FEWs of each of the four LGAs, culminating in 20 FEWs, as mentioned earlier. Twenty (20) copies of the questionnaire to a FEW (100/5 = 20). The FEWs distributions according to the LGAs are at this moment listed, First, Barkin Ladi LGA – Gindin Akwati FEW, Marit/Mazat FEW, Gassa/Sho FEW, Heipang FEW, and Kapkwis FEW. Second, Bassa LGA – Gabia FEW, Kimakpa FEW, Ta’agbe FEW, Tahu FEW, and Zobwo FEW. Third, Jos South LGA – DuFEW, Gyel ‘B’ FEW, Shen FEW, and Vwang FEW. Fourth, Riyom LGA – Attakar FEW, Sopp FEW, Ta-hoss FEW, and Riyom FEW.

The choice of eight FEWs in each of the identified LGAs was influenced by the sample size of 100 for each LGA of the State understudy. Therefore, it was easier for the researcher to manage 20 copies of the questionnaire in a FEW. In addition, distributing a maximum of 20 or fewer copies of the questionnaire in a FEW permitted broader coverage of the questionnaire administration. Hence diverse views were enhanced on the subject matter. The respondents were purposefully chosen for the survey based on their maturity age in Nigeria, which is 18 years and more, and their degree of knowledge on the topic under investigation.

The data were analyzed using the International Business Machine (IBM)Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 25 and presented through cross-tabulation. The probability of dying based on the drivers of the hostile Fulani herders’ criminality was measured using binary logistic regression analysis. Secondary data from journal articles, newspapers, and other literature were also reviewed, especially on the drivers of belligerent Fulanicriminality and their effects in Plateau State, Nigeria. The justification for obtaining secondary data is to enable access to the rich repository of records on the Fulani herders’ criminality in Plateau State.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Effects of the Belligerent Fulani herders’ Criminality in Plateau State

The first goal of this paper is to assess the effects of the criminality committed by the belligerent Fulani herdsmen.

Table 2: Effects of the Belligerent Fulani Herders’ Criminality

Source: Field survey, 2021

Table 2 above shows the responses on the effects of the Fulani herders’ attacks on Plateau State communities, ranked from highest to lowest. Almost all the respondents identified loss of lives and property as the first significant effect of Fulani herders’ attacks on communities. The following considerable effect is the displacement of the people, who must leave their houses and run for their lives before finally settling at the Internally Displaced(IDP) camps where available. Food security (90.0%) and school closure (82.5%) are the subsequent significant identified effects of belligerent herders’ criminality (Table 1). While 72.5% of the respondents indicated land-grabbing as a significant effect, cattle rustling and kidnapping were mentioned by relatively 60% (Table 2). More than half (58.8%) said yes to ethnic conflict as the significant effect, but only 35.8% indicated land dispute as part of the effect of criminality, as shown in Table 2 above.

It is important to iterate that other findings bolstered the respondents’ assertion: in 2010, Fulani herders mercilessly murdered at least half a million people in three villages of Jos South and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State (Ikezue & Ezeah, 2017). The next highest-ranked effects are IDP (Anene, Iyala & Nlemchukwu, 2020; Egbuagu, Ugwu & Ibeawuchi, 2018; Ezeonwuka & Oluchukwu, 2018), food insecurity (Alao, Shaibume, Taiwo, Alao & Ogunwemimo, 2019; Mac-Ozigbo, 2021; Okoro, 2020); school closure (Okoli & Ogayi, 2018; UNICEF, 2019); land-grabbing (Ahmadu & Ayuba, 2018); cattle rustling (Nwankwo, 2021); kidnapping (Abodunrin et al., 2020; Olayiwola, 2019), ethnic conflict (Chiluwa & Chiluwa, 2022; Ciboh, 2017; Cinjel, Joseph & Ayeni, 2020; Ezemenaka & Ekumaoko, 2018), and land dispute (Njoku, 2018).

Table 3: The Impact of the Belligerent Fulani Herders’ Criminality

Source: Field survey, 2021

Table 3 above shows the impact levels of the Fulani herders’ criminality on Plateau State’s communities. The activities of the belligerent Fulani herders in Plateau state dramatically impacted the lives and livelihood of the Plateau people. Eighty-one percent of respondents indicated that the effect was very high, while 19.0% considered it relatively high. No respondent felt the impact as low. Overall, the primary data collated from the respondents validated other research findings on the adverse effects of the criminality perpetrated by hostile Fulani herders in Plateau State, thus: negatively impacting the economy and social life and reducing food security (Obi, Uzochukwu, Chukwuemeka & Domnic, 2018), and adversely affecting the lives and livelihood of Plateau State dwellers (Agbu, Musa & Zhema, 2020).

Drivers of the Belligerent Fulani Herders Criminality on the Probability of Dying in Plateau State

The second objective of this study is to analyze the likelihood of death frequency if the criminality is motivated by a particular driver of crime committed by the violent Fulani herders in Plateau State. It specifically provided insights on the frequency of death (Y) and if it could be predicted by the presence or absence of any of the drivers of the criminality (X).

Below is a typical binary logistic model for the analysis:

Where π is the probability of (dependent variable), α is the constant value, and Y= outcome of a variable of interest (death). The X is the driver of the Fulani herders’ criminality (as indicated in this study).

Table 4: Correlation between the drivers of Belligerence and the Probability of Dying in Plateau State

Source: Field survey, 2021

The result in Table 4indicated that the drivers of the belligerent Fulani herders’ aggression a repositively related to the likelihood of death in Plateau State as shown in the correlation values (Beta or β) of land-grabbing (0.736), Jihad/Fulanization (1.494), the proliferation of SALW (0.862), and other forms of criminality (0.006)in Table 4.

Land-grabbing and the Probability of Causing Death in Plateau State

The Exp(B) indicated that when the belligerent Fulani herders’ act of criminalityis motivated by land-grabbing, there will be 2.088 times more likely to lose lives (Table 4). Although the P-value of0.091 indicated no statistically significant relationship between land-grabbing and the frequency of aggressive Fulani herders’ criminally-induced death in Plateau State.The finding is supported by the fact that the massacre of more than 200 Berom in Plateau State under Governor Jonah Jang was motivated by a desire to acquire land (Ebeku, 2018) as the Fulani displaced Beroms from their villages and inhabited them. The killing was also characterizedas genocide (Ebeku, 2018; Nanlong, 2019), yet the Government has not done enough to return the Plateau people to their ancestral homes. In a press release, Dr. Soja Bewarang, the President of the Plateau State chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), stated that the indigenous people of Plateau State are particularly concerned about the country’s pervasive insecurity (Cinjel et al., 2020). The displaced Plateau people are unhappy with the Government’s conflict resolution mechanisms (Dickson et al., 2019). Significantly, the daily attacks and killings in their communities by armed Fulani herders, bandits, and criminals, despite massive investments in security agencies. The criminals are permitted to go free on purpose(Ebeku, 2018). It is even more concerning that in 2018, nearly 6000 people were killed in various attacks, mainly in the Northern and Middle Belt regions when Nigeria was not at war. There is no question that the primary goal of these belligerent attacks is ethnic cleansing, land grabs, and the forcible removal of Christian locals from their ancient lands and history(Nwankwo et al., 2019)

The Middle Belt Forum champions the interest of North-central Nigeria – including Plateau State – where the violent Fulani herders’ criminality is mainly affected, arguing that the hostile attacks on the middle belt by the belligerent Fulani criminalsare acts of Jihad/Fulanization (Oluka, Ativie & Efeosa-Temple, 2019). They supported their argument by citing the Government’s inaction in ending the criminality, instead emphasizing the Fulani criminal elements. Again Nigerian Government’s policies, like cattle colonies, deliberately encourage the importation of the Fulani from other parts of Africa to resettle themin Nigeria, especially in theNorth-central part of the country(Ekpo & Tobi, 2019). The act of Fulani importation and resettlement in the North-central is to alter its political, social, and economic demography. Again, President Mohammadu Buhari’s administration is perceived as promoting a “Fulanisation” program (Meek, 2019). Furthermore, the Fulani cultural and ideological superiority buttresses land-grabbing Nwofor & Obasi (2020). As a result, many people have been slain, and millions of people have been displaced by armed Fulani land-grabbers, resulting in food insecurity, unemployment, poverty, marginalization, and growing intercommunal and interethnic violence.

Jihad/Fulanization and the Probability of Causing Death in Plateau State

According to Exp(B) in Table 4, there will be a probability of 4.454 times more deaths to be recorded in Plateau State when the driver of the aggressive Fulani herders’ criminality is Jihad/Fulanization. The statistic (β = 1.494, p= 0.000, 95%CI[2.29-8.66]) in Table 4 shows a statistically significant relationship between Jihad/Fulanization and the chances of death during Fulani herders’ criminal attacks is 4.454 more in Plateau State.It is argued that Jihadist and Fulanization movements play a profound role in Islam, especially the radical one(Aamoum, 2019). Most Islamic fundamentalists and radical Islamic groups (Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and BH) have their ideologies enshrined in “bello ergo sum (I fight therefore I exist)” to make themselves relevant in their Jihadist movements(Aamoum, 2019).

Contrary to the religious narrative that Jihad and Islamic fundamentalism doctrines support extremists’ lawlessness, UNDP interviewed350 extremists detained in Nigeria, Uganda, Somalia, Niger, Cameroon, and Kenya. The jihadist and Islamic fundamentalists claimed that their long periods of deprivation caused by their failed states, rather than their religious beliefs, are what drives them(Ojo, 2020). In the same study, 78% of extremists lack trust in state security organizations and their elected officials.

Citing examples of religious fundamentalism-induced conflicts and crimes in Africa and Nigeria, the belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality trajectories include the Jihad by Islamic crusaders in the 11th to 14th centuries (Enor et al., 2019). It also consists of the Sori and Karonke Ali in Guinea (the 1720s), Usman Danfodio in Northern Nigeria (1804), Seku Ahmadu in Mali (1818), and the radical Fulani herders terrorist organization(2015) also in Mali Enor et al.. These organizations claimed that the year 2015 was the start of an increase in herders attacks throughout West Africa, particularly in Nigeria. The pomposity of the Fulani herders organizations: the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders’ Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and the Miyetti Allah Kautol Hore Association of Nigeria (MAKHAN are examples of the dangerous situation in Nigeria (Onifade & Kolade, 2020).

In addition, the former military Head of State and a former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, wrote an open letter to President Muhammadu Buhari, which gave more insight into the alleged Fulanization of not only Nigeria but the African continent (Okanlawon, 2019). The unfortunate criminality is perceived as a “Fulani”threat by the Fulani elite in different parts of the country. However, many Nigerians and non-Nigerians who are friends of Nigeria attach vicarious responsibility to the Fulani elite and the extant Nigerian President.

The Proliferation of SALW and the Probability of Dying in Plateau State

The statistic (β = 0.862, p ≤ 0.001, 95%CI[1.36-4.11]) in Table 4 above shows that the proliferation of SALW has a statistically significant relationship with the likelihood of death in Plateau State. It further shows that when the proliferation of SALW drives the belligerent Fulani criminals in Plateau State, the possibility of dying is 2.367 more likely to occur. The Nigerian weak immigration laws and porous borders are some causes of the increase in SALW: Alhaji Ibrahim Abdullahi,  the Secretary-General of MACBAN, noted that Nigeria has porous borders, encouraging all kinds of people, especially from Cameroon, Niger, and Chad, to immigrate into Nigeria, thus posing severe challenges to the nation(Njoku, 2018). He, however, mentioned that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) protocol on the nomadic trans-human movement made it easy for the Fulani herders to migrate unhindered into Nigeria from other West African countries. Thus, Professor Jerry Gana noted that the receding of Lake Chad and its subsequent effects had forced herders out of their domain, leading to incessant clashes between herders and their host communities (Adetiba, 2019; Erondu & Nwakanma, 2018).

Illicit trafficking and the theft of firearms belonging to individuals, states, or organizations contribute significantly to the emergence of small arms and light weapons(SALW) in Africa:  Africa is one of the continents with oceans, porous land, and water borders, and widespread deserts, making it easier for weapons trafficking(Sambo et al., 2020).Furthermore, locally produced firearms also promote the illicit trafficking of arms, thereby increasing the spread of SALW in Nigeria. In the 1980s, the level of local arms production in Africa was minimal. Recently, with the emergence of sustained protracted ethnic militias, ethnoreligious crises, armed rebel groups, criminal gangs, terrorists, and religious terrorists, local production of SALW skyrocketed, fueling armed conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa(Sambo et al., 2020).

Epitomizing the argument that the proliferation of SALW fuels the criminality committed by the hostile Fulani herders in Nigeria: Fulani herders were known for using herding staff;  however, they transitioned to possessing lethal weapons to guard their cattle. The transition negates their traditional use of astick to guide herds(Njoku, 2018). The herders’ use of sophisticated arms and ammunition, such as AK 47, began in the 1980s when some political and business elite in the Northern Nigerian States invested in the cattle business. These businessmen became cattle oligarchs; they ab initio supplied lethal arms to their cattle caregivers for protection against the rampaging activities of cattle rustlers.

Other Drivers of the Belligerent Fulani Herders’ Criminality and the Probability of dying

In the case of other drivers for the belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality, as not investigated in this study, Plateau State would be 1.006 times more likely to experience death. The statistic (β = 0.006, p = 0.983, 95%CI[0.55-1.83]) indicated no statistically significant relationship (p-value of 0.983) between other drivers of the hostile Fulani herders’ criminality and the likelihood of recording death in Plateau State(Table 4).

A research found two precarious situations regarding the crimes perpetrated by the Fulani herders in Nigeria (Oshita, Alumona & Onuoha 2019). First, despite the Nigerian Government’s assurances that it will ensure the safety of its citizens and bring justice to those responsible for the various heinous crimes, it failed to address internal security challenges. Quintetiantially is the diurnal increase in criminality by non-state groups like the herders and farmers conflict since the restoration of democracy in 1999.Second, the Nigerian State either lacks the capacity or the political will to effectively control the actions of armed non-state actors, particularly in the cases of BH, the Niger Delta Movement (MEND), and the criminal activity of the Fulani herders. The research finding further revealed that Fulani criminality becomes pervasive, if not omnipresent, diminishing the coercive power of the Nigerian State. As a result, Nigerians have cast doubt on the axiom that the State is the sole guarantor of peace and security. The repercussion of the above statement is the increasing criminality by armed non-state actors, including thebelligerent Fulani herders criminals.

Another driver of the belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality in Plateau State is the counter argument on whether the Government should execute the outdated policies of grazing land reserves – because development and population growth took over the grazing reserves. Either way, the policy is injurious to one of the parties in the contest. As such, it drives the criminally minded herders intocriminality in Plateau State and Nigeria”. The grazing reserve policy today, therefore, remains one ofthe most contending issues in the security questions in Nigeria. Apart from Plateau State, the Fulani criminality pervades Northern Nigeria – Nasarawa, Zamfara, Plateau, Jigawa, Katsina, Benue, and Kwara –tracked to the Jihadist movement of 1804 because, after the Jihad, the Fulani ceased power and control the Hausa and the multi-ethnic groups of the middle belt Nigeria(Allison, 2021; Kwaja & Ademola-Adelehin, 2018).

In examining the underlying reasons for the belligerent Fulani herders’ crime in Plateau State, the purposeful attitude and behavior of the contending parties – the Plateau people and Fulani pastoralists – cannot be disregarded”. For instance, pastoralists contaminate the water ponds of the indigenous people with their cattle. Similarly, farmers intentionally poison the water ponds with harmful insecticides to kill the livestock and prevent pastoralists from contaminating their water sources. Farmers burn forests to prevent pastoralists from getting grasses and fodder for their herds. Again, the Fulani herders often blame Farmers forblocking the 4,275,326 hectares of land in Nigeria carved for cattle routes and grazing reserves, gazetted under the National Grazing Reserve Law of 1965 (Ojukwu, Osuchukwu & Enemuoh, 2020; Okanlawon, 2019).

Global warming is another driver for the belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality in Nigeria(H. J. Ahmadu & Ayuba, 2018; Genyi, 2017). Its effect pressures the struggle for scarce and highly contestable resources such as water and land between pastoralists and the people of Plateau State (Genyi, 2017). The Plateau people depend on subsistence farming while Fulani on cattle rearing. Consequently, the combination(s) of farming activities of the landowners, global warming, and desert encroachment resulted in the disappearance of grazing routes, culminating in the altercation between the indigenous farmers and the Fulani pastoralists in two ways. Firstly, the cramping of the soil by the cattle, thereby making the soil very hard and challenging to cultivate using traditional farming tools like a hoe. Secondly, the destruction of crops and farm produce affects the livelihood of the farmers, as survival is an inherent instinct of man.

According to some researchers, Dickson, Juliet, and Ibrahim, the hostile Fulani herders’ crimes are also caused by poverty and poor governance Dickson, Juliet & Ibrahim (2019). In contrast, others identified religion and ethnicity as other causal factors of the belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality in Plateau State(Igbokwe-Ibeto, Nnanji & Mac-Ozigbo 2021).They further noted thatthe founder of BH, Mohammed Yusuf, preached two main ideas: Quarann forbids Western education and that it is a sin to work for the Government. Yusuf’s group claimed to be the people committed to propagating Prophet Muhammed’s teachings and Jihad or the Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-jihad. They countered the Modernization theory’s position that with the increase in education and industrialization, societies would naturally transform the livelihood of the majority of its citizens, attenuating the potency of religious and ethnic ideologies prior held by ancient people. However, these ideologies in many African countries is reinforced as they are used to access society’s scarce social and economic resources. These further vitiated the healthy coexistence and made ethnic and religious relationships harmful. Secondly, Fulani herders’ criminality could be easily intertwined with religion because the Fulani herders’ criminals in Nigeria are predominantly Muslims, while most of the victims are Christians(Ibrahim, 2020).

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

The effects of the belligerent Fulani herders’ criminality found in this paper are loss of life and property; forced internal displacement; food insecurity; closure of schools; landgrabs; cattle rustling; kidnappings; ethnic strife; and land disputes. Although there was a correlation between the drivers of the crimes committed by the violent Fulani herders in Plateau State, the relationships between the likelihood of death in Plateau State when the crimes are motivated byland-grabbing and other drivers were not statistically significant. However, the probability of dying by the hostile Fulani herders’ criminality was twice as high when the motive was land grabbing; four times higher when the driver was Jihad/Islamization; twice as high when motivated by the proliferation of SALW; and driven byfactors. Firstly, the relevant institution and authorities – like families, schools, churches, mosques, and social and main stream media–should discourage the primordial extremist ideologies of Jihad, Islamization, and Fulanization. Secondly, Plateau State Government should deliberately return the displaced and sacked people to their communities, as it will restore the people’s confidence that one of their Government’s roles is to protect them from crimes of aggression. Thirdly, the Government should be genuine in resolving the criminality of the belligerent Fulani herders by revising the 1965 Grazing Reserve Law, as development and population growth supplanted the reserved land. Lastly, the Nigerian Government should disavow any involvement in the criminal activity of the belligerent Fulani herders by not only arresting the bad actors in its security and military forces but also punishing them in accordance with its legal framework.

REFERENCE

1. Aamoum, N. M. (2019). Terrorism comes to Africa: The spread of radical Islamic terrorism into Algeria and Nigeria [Fordham University]. https://fordham.bepress.com/international_senior/29
2. Abodunrin, O., Oloye, G., & Adesola, B. (2020). Herdsmen and farmers clash on economic and human security in Nigeria. International Journal of Management, Social Sciences, Peace and Conflict Studies (IJMSSPCS), 3(2), 204–213.
3. Abolade, L. (2022, January 9). Under Buhari’s watch: How theft, illegal sales of arms to criminals contribute to missing 178,459 ammunition in Nigeria Police – international centre for investigative reporting. International Centre for Investigative Reporting (ICIR). https://www.icirnigeria.org/under-buharis-watch-how-theft-illegal-sales-of-arms-to-criminals-contribute-to-missing-178459-ammunition-in-nigeria-police/
4. Aborhey, S. N. A. (2019). The proliferation of small arms in west Africa and its security implications for Ghana (Issue July). The University of Ghana.
5. Adetiba, T. C. (2019). Transnational Syndicates and Cross-border Transfer of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa: A threat to regional security. Journal of African Union Studies, 8(1), 93–113. https://doi.org/10.31920/2050-4306/2019/v8n1a5
6. Adichie, G. A., & Justice, S. (2021). Religion as a Transformative Agent in the Conflict between Farmers and Fulani herders in Nigeria. African Journal of Emerging Issues, 3(4), 58–69.
7. Afolabi, O. T. (2020). Arms proliferation and structural violence: Nexus to international security system in Nigeria. Journal of Chemical Information and Modeling, 1(4), 2735–9336.
8. Agbu, D. A., Musa, H., & Zhema, S. (2020). Insurgency, armed herdsmen and instability in Nigeria: A search for the way forward. Journal of Chemical Information and Modeling, 53(8), 1689–1699.
9. Ahmad, T., Hussain, S., Akbar, M., & Rehman, A. U. (2022). Impact of Terrorism on Stock Market: Evidence from Developed and Developing Markets. International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction, 70(May), 102786. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2022.102786
10. Ahmadu, H. J., & Ayuba, H. (2018). Conflict of livelihood and survival: The absurdity of farmers versus pastoralists conflict in the lake Chad basin of Nigeria. Academic Research International, 9(1), 128–139.
11. Ahmadu, J. H., & Ayuba, H. (2018). The role of group solidarity in conflict between farmers and Fulani pastoralists: A case study of northern Nigeria. African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 12(3), 33–41. https://doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2017.1068
12. Alao, O. J. (2019). Towards peaceful co-existence in Nigeria: Religious education as a tool. Global Journal Of Human-Social Science: A Arts & Humanities – Psychology, 19(2).
13. Allison, C. J. (2021). Migratory right, invasion and religion as a challenge to herdsmen (pastoralists) – Farmers conflict resolution in Nigeria. Trinitarian International Journal of Arts and Humanities, 1(1), 1–14.
14. Anaele, C. (2020a). Boko haram terror: A historicism on fighting for “God” for spiritual landing in Nigeria under a welcoming government. European Journal of Historical Research, 1(1), 1–29.
15. Anaele, C. (2020b). Herdsmen terror in Nigeria: The identity question and classification dilemma. American Research Journal of Humanities & Social Science (ARJHSS), 03(03), 10–25. www.arjhss.com
16. Anene, C., Iyala, T. O., & Nlemchukwu, V. O. (2020). Failure of ranching policies in Nigeria: Proposed cattle colony and RUGA settlement in perspective, 1914-2018. An African Journal of Arts and Humanities, 6(April), 82–107. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.36469.60642
17. Awotokun, K., Nwozor, A., & Olanrewaju, J. S. (2020). Conflicts and the retrogression of sustainable development: The political economy of herders-farmers’ conflicts in Nigeria. Humanities and Social Sciences Reviews, 8(1), 624–633. https://doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8175
18. Bagu, C., & Smith, K. (2017). Past is Prologue: Criminality & reprisal attacks in Nigeria’s Middle Belt. In Search for Common Grounds. Search for Common Grounds. https://collections.unu.edu/eserv/UNU:7536/UNU_Conflict_Prevention_Final_Web.pdf
19. Chiluwa, I., & Chiluwa, I. M. (2022). ‘Deadlier than Boko Haram’: Representations of the Nigerian herder–farmer conflict in the local and foreign press. Media, War and Conflict, 15(1), 3–24. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750635220902490
20. Chinwokwu, E. (2019). Herdsmen terrorism and criminal justice in Nigeria: Implications for social order and development. International Journal of Management, Social Sciences, Peace and Conflict Studies (IJMSSPCS), 2(1), 29–45.
21. Ciboh, R. (2017). Framing the Herdsmen- Farmers’ Conflicts and Peace Building in Nigeria. Mkar Journal of Media and Culture, 2(2).
22. Cinjel, N. D., Joseph, N., & Ayeni, E. O. (2020). Cattle rustling and the protracted conflicts in Barkin Ladi local government area of Plateau state. African Journal of Developmental Integrity and Peace Studies, 1(1), 140–170.
23. Clarke, C. P. (2020). Small arms and light weapons (SALW ) trafficking, smuggling, and use for criminality by terrorists and insurgents: A brief historical overview (C. P. Clarke (ed.)). International Centre for Counter-Terrorism – The Hague. https://doi.org/10.19165/2020.1.06
24. Danladi, J. Y., & Sule, M. M. (2019). Islam and Ethnicity: The Case Study of Ombatse Crisis 2011-2015 in Nasarawa State, Nigeria. Al-Irsyad: Journal of Islamic and Contemporary Issues, 4(1), 27–38.
25. Dickson, C. N., Juliet, U. C., & Ibrahim, A. (2019). Can two wrongs make a right? Herders and farmers conflicts on the Plateau: The study of Barkin Ladi local government area, 2001-2018. International Journal of Academic Multidisciplinary Research (IJAMR), 3(5), 33–42.
26. Dismas, M. (2020). Influence of illegal small arms and light weapons proliferation on internal security in Kayole sub county, Nairobi city county. In Journal of Chemical Information and Modeling (Vol. 2, Issue 1). http://jurnal.globalhealthsciencegroup.com/index.php/JPPP/article/download/83/65%0A http://www.embase .com/search/results? subaction=viewrecord & from =export&id= L603546864%5Cn http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2015/420723%0A http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-319-76
27. Duke, O. O., & Agbaji, D. D. (2020). Fulani herdsmen crisis and the socioeconomic development of Benue state, Nigeria. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP), 10(8), 343–357. https://doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.10.08.2020.p10442
28. Duruji, M. M. (2012). Two Nigerian Ethnonationalist Movements: A Comparison of the OPC and MASSOB. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, 12(3), 534–549. https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12010
29. Ebeku, K. S. A. (2018). Legal implications of recurrent mass killings in Nigeria by fulani herdsmen. Journal of Law and Criminal Justice, 6(2), 44–61. https://doi.org/10.15640/jlcj.v6n2a4
30. Egbuagu, K. S., Ugwu, L. E., & Ibeawuchi, K. E. (2018). Original article. Journal of Psychology & Sociological Studies, 2(1), 1–15. Aphriapub.com/index.php/JPSS
31. Ekpo, C. E., & Tobi, B. E. (2019). Fear, distrust and the political climate of the rural grazing area (Ruga) policy in Nigeria. Being a Paper Presented at the 13th Annual International Conference of the Society for Peace Studies and Practice (SPSP) on November 2019 at the Redeemer‟s University, Ede, Osun State, Nigeria., November, 1–15. http://www.academia.edu/download/61346442/Ekpo_and_Tobi_SPSP_Presentation20191126-118935-ddkmmn.pdf
32. Emmanuel, N. C. (2021). Fulani herdsmen attacks and cattle colonies: Covert islamization of Nigeria or terrorism? Historical investigation. World Journal of Innovative Research (WJIR), 10(5), 75–81.
33. Enor, F. N., & Magor, S. E. (2020). Contending perspectives and security implications of herdsmen activities in Nigeria revisited. International Journal of Humanitatis Theoreticus, 4, 180–194.
34. Enor, F. N., Magor, S. E., & Ekpo, C. E. (2019). Contending perspectives and security implications of herdsmen activities in Nigeria. International Journal of Research -Granthaalayah, 7(7), 265–286. https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i7.2019.765
35. Enyinnaya, O. L. (2019). Democracy and ethno-religious conflicts in Jos, Plateau state. Irish Interdisciplinary Journal of Science & Research (IIJSR), 3(2), 29–44.
36. Erondu, C. I., & Nwakanma, E. (2018). New dimensions of the farmers and herdsmen crisis in Nigeria and the implications for development. International Multi-Disciplinary Journal, 12(52), 16–27. https://doi.org/DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v12i4.2 New
37. European Asylum Support Office. (2021). Nigeria security situation (Issue June). European Asylum Support Office. https://doi.org/10.2847/433197
38. Ezemenaka, K. E., & Ekumaoko, C. E. (2018). Contextualising Fulani- Herdsmen Conflict in Nigeria. Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, 12(2), 30–55.
39. Ezeonwuka, I.-F., & Oluchukwu, O. N. (2018). Fulani herdsmen attacks on farming communities: Psychological implications. Practicum Psychologia, 8(1), 156–166.
40. Ezirigwe, J. (2021). Making the law work for men and women: Advancing gender equality and non-discrimination in Nigeria’s anti-open grazing laws. Journal of Sustainable Development Law and Policy, 11(2), 362–381. https://doi.org/10.4314/jsdlp.v11i2.4
41. Genyi, G. A. (2017). Ethnic and religious identities shaping contestation for land based resources: The Tiv-farmers and pastoralists conflicts in central Nigeria until 2014. International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation, 4(1), 136–151.
42. Ibrahim, M. O. (2020). Influence of Jos crisis on the economy of Plateau state, Nigeria. SAU Journal of Management and Social Sciences, 5(1), 46–56.
43. Igbokwe-Ibeto, C. J., Nnaji, I. L., & Mac-Ozigbo, A. (2021). Open grazing, food insecurity and sustainable human development in Nigeria: A horn of dilemma. KIU Journal of Social Sciences, 7(1), 63–71.
44. Ikezue, C. E., & Ezeah, P. (2017). Recurrent Conflicts among Migrant Fulani Herdsmen and Indigenous Communities of Southern Nigeria: A Review of Literature. International Journal of Health and Social Inquiry, 3(1), 152–169.
45. International Crisis Group. (2019). Facing the challenge of the islamic State in west Africa province. Africa Report No. 273, May, 1–25.
46. Johnson-Odusanya, A. O. (2019). Reconciling the anti-grazing law of Benue state of Nigeria in an era of resource depletion. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University Journal of Commercial and Property Law, COOUJCPL, 2(1), 1–14.
47. Kwaja, C. M. A., & Ademola-Adelehin, B. I. (2018). Responses to conflicts between farmers and herders in the middle belt of Nigeria: Mapping past efforts and opportunities for violence prevention. In Search for Common Ground (Issue January).
48. Lenshie, N. E., & Jacob, P. K. (2020). Nomadic migration and rural violence in Nigeria (Vol. 43, Issue 1).
49. Li, N. (2018). Nigeria’s Fulani Herdsmen -Farmers Conflict And Peace Building. Global Journal of Agricultural Research, 6(5), 1–15. www.eajournals.org
50. Meek, E. I. (2019). A Literature Search of Psycho-Demographic Factors Accounting for Terrorism : Implications for Africa ’ s Development in the 21st Century A Literature Search of Psycho-Demographic Factors Accounting for Terrorism : Implications for Africa ’ s Development i. IOAR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 24(February), 9–13. https://doi.org/10.9790/0837-2402070913
51. Mjoset, L. (2001). Theory in Social Science. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, 15641–15647.
52. Mohammed, B., Lawan, A., & Kanami, K. (2020). The Effect of Insurgency on Education among Tertiary Institutions in Maiduguri Metropolis Borno State. African Scholars Journal of Contemporary Education Research (JCER), 17(8), 201–220.
53. Musa, S. Y. (2018). Military internal security operations in Plateau state, north central Nigeria: Ameliorating or exacerbating insecurity? In Stellenbosch University (Issue December). Stellenbosch University.
54. Nanlong, M.-T. (2019, April 20). Dogo Na Hauwa: Nine years after the genocide! – Vanguard News. Vanguard. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2019/04/dogo-na-hauwa-nine-years-after-the-genocide/
55. Navera, G. S. (2020). Belligerence as Argument: The Allure of the War Metaphor in Philippine Presidential Speeches. Kairos: A Journal of Critical Symposium, 5(1), 67–82.
56. Nelson, O., Amodu, L., Jegede, A., Adesina, E., & Martins, O. (2019). Global media, digital journalism and the question of terrorism: An empirical inquest on ISIS. Media Watch, 10(2), 212–224. https://doi.org/10.15655/mw/2019/v10i2/49619
57. Njoku, A. (2018). Herdsmen-farmers clashes in Nigeria: Implications for economic growth and national security. Asian Journal of Social Sciences, Arts and Humanities, 6(1), 1–19. www.multidisciplinaryjournals.com
58. Nwankwo, C. F. (2021). Discursive construction of the farmer-pastoralist conflict in Nigeria. Open Political Science, 4(1), 136–146. https://doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0014
59. Nwankwo, O. D., Ike, P. R., Officha, P. K., Obi, Y. V., & Peters, A. E. (2019). Psychosocial implications of fulani herdsmen religio-organizational terrorism in eastern Nigeria (Biafra). Journal of Chemical Information and Modeling, 7(3), 14–27. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.25830.24642
60. Nwofor, L. C., & Obasi, C. O. (2020). Land encroachment and banditry as emergent trends in communal and inter-ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. Journal of Community & Communication Research, 5(2), 144–151.
61. Nyongesa, G. (2019). Effects of Terrorism on the Political Economy: Case Study of Garissa County, Kenya [Kenyatta Inversity]. In Kenyatta University. https://doi.org/.1037//0033-2909.I26.1.78
62. Obaje, T. A.-O. (2018). Agents of peace or violence: An appraisal of youth participation in peace-building initiatives, Jos, Nigeria, (2000 –2010). In University of Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa (Issue May). University of Kwazulu-Natal, Soth Africa.
63. Obateru, T., & Umoru, H. (2012, July 9). TRAGEDY IN PLATEAU: Senator, House Leader, 50 others killed – Vanguard News. VANGUARD. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2012/07/tragedy-in-plateau-senator-house-leader-50-others-killed/
64. Obi, D., Uzochukwu, C. C., & Chukwuemeka, O. D. (2018). Politics of Herdsmen Attack and Its Socio-Economic Implication in Nigeria. European Journal of Political Science Studies, 47(2), 65–73. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1312504
65. Ogboru, T., & Adejonwo-Osho, O. (1970). Towards an effective cattle grazing and rearing legal framework: An imperative for environmental protection. Journal of Sustainable Development Law and Policy (The), 9(1), 58–79. https://doi.org/10.4314/jsdlp.v9i1.4
66. Ojo, J. S. (2020). Governing “ungoverned spaces” in the foliage of conspiracy: Toward (re)ordering terrorism, from boko haram insurgency, fulani militancy to banditry in northern Nigeria. African Security, 13(1), 77–110. https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1731109
67. Ojukwu, U. G., Osuchukwu, N. C., & Enemuoh, N. V. (2020). Farmers-herders conflicts and ranches establishment law in Nigeria: A study of Benue state. International Journal of Academic Pedagogical Research, 4(1), 1–16. www.ijeais.org/ijapr
68. Okanlawon, S. U. (2019). The concept of maslaha (public interest) in Shari’ah as a panacea to farmer/herdsmen conflicts in Nigeria. Islamic University Multidisciplinary JournalIUMJ, 6(5), 131–139.
69. Okoli, A. C., & Ogayi, C. O. (2018). Herdsmen militancy and humanitarian crisis in Nigeria: A theoretical briefing. African Security Review, 27(2), 129–143. https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2018.1499545
70. Okoro, J. P. (2020). Herdsmen–farmers’ conflict: Implication on national development (Nigeria in perspective). Herdsmen – Farmers’ Conflict: Implication on National Development (Nigeria In Perspective), June 2018, 1–23.
71. Okoro, R. E., & Avosetinyen, M. S. (2018). The rule and ruin of the guns in Nigeria: Evidence from ethno-religious conflicts in Jos, Plateau state. UNIUYO Journal of Humanities (UUJH), 22(May), 257–276.
72. Okwara, E. C. (2021). Cross Boarder Crimes and the Need for Effective Policing: The Nigerian Perspective. International Journal of Advanced Research in Public Policy, Social Development and Enterprise Studies, 4(2), 73–84. https://doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijarppsdes.v4.i2.06
73. Olamide, S. A., & Emmanuel, A. T. (2018). Proliferation of small arms and light weapons: The bane of human security in Nigeria. International Journal of Research Publications, 3(1). http://ijrp.org/paper_detail/74
74. Olayiwola, O. A. (2019). Beyond Resource-Use Conflict in the Escalation of Fulani Herdsmen and Farmer Conflict in Nigeria. Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies, 12(9).
75. Olonade, O. Y., George, T. O., Imhonopi, D., Egharevba, M. E., & Kasa, A. G. (2022). Youths’ socio-economic well-being in Southwest Nigeria: What role can empowerment/poverty reduction programmes play? Cogent Social Sciences, 8(1), 0–12. https://doi.org/10.1080/23311886.2022.2115694
76. Oluka, N. L., Ativie, A. C., & Efeosa-Temple, G. C. (2019). Government and the politics of ruga settlement implications for the unity of Nigeria. International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development, 3(6), 1267–1273. https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd29386.pdf%0Ahttps://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/29386/government-and-the-politics-of-ruga-settlement-implications-for-the-unity-of-nigeria/oluka-nduka-lucas
77. Onifade, O. S., & Kolade, A. (2020). Ethnicity and framing of rural grazing reserves (RUGA) in selected Nigerian newspapers: A discourse analysis. Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 234(0), 205–222.
78. Oshita, O. O., Alumona, I. M., & Onuoha, F. C. (2019). Internal security management in Nigeria perspectives, challenges and lessons (O. O. Oshita, I. M. Alumona, & F. C. Onuoha (eds.); Issue April 2020). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8215-4
79. Putra, B. A. (2020). Extending the discourse of environmental securitization: Indonesia’s securitization of illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing and China’s belligerence at sea. IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science, 575(1). https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/575/1/012242
80. Reinl, J. (2019, April 19). How stolen weapons keep groups like Boko Haram in business | The world from PRX. The World. https://theworld.org/stories/2019-04-19/how-stolen-weapons-keep-groups-boko-haram-business
81. Ritzer, G. (2011). Sociological Theory. In McGraw Hill (8th ed., Vol. 53, Issue 9). McGraw Hill. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107415324.004
82. Sahara Reporters. (2019, May 18). “Boko haram is for West African fulanization, African islamization”, Says Obasanjo | Sahara reporters. Sahara Reporters. http://saharareporters.com/2019/05/18/boko-haram-west-african-fulanization-african-islamization-says-obasanjo
83. Sambo, U., Sule, B., Deribe, A. U., & Ahmed, A. (2020). Small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the proliferation of armed group conflicts in Northeastern Nigeria: Interrogating the boko haram phenomenon. International Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, 6(4), 151–161. https://doi.org/10.20469/ijhss.6.20002-4
84. Sangare, B. (2019). Fulani people and jihadism in sahel and west African countries. Fondation Pour La Recherche Stratégiue, March. https://www.eajournals.org/wp-content/uploads/Insurgency-Armed-Herdsmen-and-Instability-in-Nigeria.pdf
85. Segun, J., & Jegede, A. E. (2013). Ethnicisation of Violent Conflicts in Jos? Global Journal of Human Social Science and Political Science, 13(7), 36–41.
86. Shehu, H. (2018). The causes and consequences of fulani pastoralist-farmers conflict in Nigeria. International Journal of Innovation and Research in Educational Sciences, 5(3), 357–361. http://www.ijires.org/administrator/components/com_jresearch/files/publications/IJIRES_1274_FINAL .pdf
87. Sule, B., Mikail, I. K., & Yahaya, M. A. (2020). An overview of the genesis, sources, manifestations and impact of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in northern Nigeria. Journal of International Studies(Malaysia), 16, 195–218. https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2020.16.12
88. Taiwo, R., & Dontele, D. (2020). Discursive functions of coinages and abbreviations in nairaland online community. … Journal of …, 8(2), 1–18. http://journals.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/index.php/cjls/article/view/2413
89. Tukur, S. (2018, March 31). Presidency replies T.Y. Danjuma on call for Nigerians to defend selves | Premium times Nigeria. Times. https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/263607-presidency-replies-t-y-danjuma-on-call-for-nigerians-to-defend-selves.html
90. (2019, August 23). 9,272 Schools Closed In Nigeria, Nine Others Because Of Terrorism, Violence -UNICEF | Sahara Reporters. Sahara Reporters. http://saharareporters.com/2019/08/23/9272-schools-closed-nigeria-nine-others-because-terrorism-violence-unicef
91. Yusha’u, D. M., Halidu, A. S., & Egye, A. U. (2020). Political Violence in North Central Nigeria: Reflections and the Way Forward. Journal of Social and Political Sciences, 3(1). https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.03.01.149
92. Zaini, M., & Abdul, L. H. (2020). Awareness of Medan Area Students in Demanding Against the Law of Drug Abuse, the Prevention of Radicalism and Terrorism. Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences, 3(2), 1239–1250. https://doi.org/10.33258/birci.v3i2.968