An Exploration of Key Informant Perspectives on Factors Influencing Settlement of Male Hazara Youth Who Migrated to Melbourne as Unaccompanied Minors

An Exploration of Key Informant Perspectives on Factors Influencing Settlement of Male Hazara Youth Who Migrated to Melbourne as Unaccompanied Minors

John Kirwa Tum Kole

Deakin University

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.907000124

Received: 09 June 2025; Accepted: 13 June 2025; Published: 02 August 2025

ABSTRACT

The global displacement crisis has grown significantly, with the number of forcibly displaced people rising from 45.2 million in 2012 to 70.8 million in 2018, positioning Australia as a key destination for asylum seekers, including unaccompanied minors from conflict-affected regions such as Afghanistan (UNHCR, 2016, 2017, 2018). This qualitative case study examines the settlement experiences of Hazara unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors (UAMs) and former UAMs (fUAMs) in Melbourne, Australia. Guided by Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems theory and Social Networks theory, the study explores how structural, social, and cultural dynamics interact to shape the settlement trajectories of male Afghan Hazara youth.

Data from 12 semi-structured interviews with caseworkers and English language teachers reveal a sharp discontinuity in support based on age. While UAMs under 18 benefit from comprehensive, government-funded services supporting language acquisition, education, and social engagement, these services are abruptly withdrawn at age 18. As a result, fUAMs face heightened risks of housing instability, unemployment, low health and financial literacy, and social isolation. These vulnerabilities are compounded by intersecting challenges related to ethnicity, religion, visa status, trauma, and disrupted education.

Despite these barriers, Hazara youth often demonstrate resilience through community networks, cultural coping strategies, and civic engagement. However, the study finds that internal strengths alone are insufficient without ongoing, structured support. It calls for the implementation of a Post-18 Continuum Model and highlights international best practices from Sweden, the Netherlands, and the UK as models for trauma-informed, developmentally appropriate care.

The findings underscore the urgent need for culturally responsive, rights-based settlement policies that address both the immediate and long-term needs of refugee-background youth in Australia.

Key Words: Hazara Unaccompanied Asylum-Seeker Minors (UAMs); Former UAMs; Afghan Hazara; Refugee Youth Settlement; Integration; Immigration Policy; Australia

INTRODUCTION

Background of the Study

The global increase in forced displacement—from 45.2 million in 2012 to 70.8 million in 2018—has created a mounting humanitarian challenge, driven by war, persecution, and political instability (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2016, 2017, 2018; Vervliet et al., 2015). Within this context, Australia has emerged as a key destination for asylum seekers among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, despite the fluctuating number of boat arrivals and increasingly restrictive immigration policies (Phillips, 2017; McAdam & Chong, 2014). These policy changes, influenced by public debates and media narratives around asylum-seekers and crime, have shaped the settlement experiences of refugee-background youth, particularly those arriving without parents or guardians—referred to unaccompanied asylum-seeker minors (UAMs) (Baxendale, 2019; Wahlquist, 2018). Definitions of key terms used in this paper are provided in Appendix A.

Among UAMs, male Hazara youth from Afghanistan represent a significant and historically marginalized group, displaced by longstanding ethnic persecution, sectarian violence, and forced military conscription (Tellis & Eggers, 2017; Saikal, 2012ab). Many undertake perilous journeys to Australia with limited protection and often arrive just before turning 18, at which point they transition from federally supported care into less structured mainstream support systems (Harvey et al., 2017; Katz, Doney & Mitchell, 2013; Katz et al., 2013). Although UAMs under the age of 18 often benefit from community-based detention programs that provide case management, housing, and educational support, these services are significantly reduced once they turn 18, heightening their vulnerability (see Appendix B) (Kenny, Procter & Grech, 2016; Department of Immigration and Border Protection [DIBP], 2015).

LITERATURE REVIEW AND IDENTIFIED GAPS

This study adopts a narrative literature review to comprehensively synthesize existing knowledge on the settlement experiences of Hazara unaccompanied youth. The aim is to provide a broad and contextualized overview of the protective and risk factors shaping their wellbeing and integration outcomes (Ferrari, 2015). The review, which draws on both international and Australian studies published between 2001 and 2020 and focuses on UAMs and fUAMs, identified nine key themes (see Appendix C).

The search strategy incorporated both peer-reviewed and grey literature published in English and focused on UAMs and fUAMs originating from Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa. Using Boolean operators, the search was restricted to studies involving resettlement in Western destination countries, including North America, Europe, and Australia. Academic databases consulted included Scopus, ProQuest, PsycINFO, Informit, Global Health (EBSCO), MEDLINE, PubMed, and SocINDEX. Supplementary materials were sourced via Google Scholar and through manual screening of the reference lists of relevant studies.

While unaccompanied refugee youth often face substantial settlement challenges, the literature also underscores their capacity for resilience—the ability to recover and adapt following traumatic experiences (Hariharan & Rana, 2017). Cumulative trauma endured throughout the migration journey is associated with adverse psychological outcomes (Von Werthern, Grigorakis, & Vizard, 2019). Nonetheless, such effects can be mitigated through inclusive policy frameworks and access to trauma-informed, culturally responsive services (Aflaki & Freise, 2021).

Further findings highlight that refugee youth wellbeing is influenced by a complex interplay of factors, including age, accessibility of services, and social inclusion (Peterson et al., 2017; Chase, 2013). Despite these insights, notable gaps remain. Many studies demonstrate limited methodological rigour and insufficiently incorporate the views of frontline service providers—an omission that constrains the practical relevance of their findings.

Although the policy importance of refugee youth resettlement is widely recognized, empirical research specifically focused on Afghan Hazara UAMs remains scarce. In particular, few studies explore how service providers perceive the settlement journeys and support needs of this group (Nardone & Correa-Velez, 2015; Tudsri & Hebbani, 2014). This study addresses this critical gap by examining the perspectives of two key stakeholder groups: professional caseworkers and volunteer English language teachers who work directly with Hazara UAMs and fUAMs.

Statement of the Problem

Australia’s community detention policies provide structured settlement support to UAMs under the age of 18. However, upon reaching adulthood, these supports are significantly reduced or withdrawn, leaving former UAMs (fUAMs) at heightened risk of social exclusion, housing instability, mental health challenges, and limited access to education and employment pathways. While broader research has explored refugee youth integration and well-being (Lawrence et al., 2016; Sleijpen et al., 2013), there is limited knowledge of how this service discontinuity specifically affects male Hazara youth—a group with unique cultural, ethnic, and migration experiences in Victoria. Furthermore, the perspectives of frontline service providers, who play a critical role in facilitating early adjustment and long-term integration, remain underexplored in both academic and policy contexts. This knowledge gap constrains efforts to develop responsive, targeted interventions for this highly vulnerable population.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to examine the settlement experiences of male Afghan Hazara UAMs and fUAMs in Victoria, Australia, with a focus on how changes in support structures around the age of 18 affect their integration outcomes. Drawing on the perspectives of frontline service providers—specifically caseworkers and English language volunteers—the study aims to identify systemic gaps in service provision and explore how these affect youth resilience, social connectedness, and access to essential services. The goal is to generate evidence that can inform more inclusive, age-appropriate, and culturally responsive policy and practice.

Significance of the Study

This study addresses a critical gap in refugee research by centering on male Afghan Hazara youth, a group underrepresented in policy and academic discourse despite their significant presence in Australia and high protection needs (Phillips, 2013; Igbal et al., 2012; Phillips, 2012). By incorporating the voices of both formal and informal settlement workers, the research provides unique insights into the delivery, adaptation, and limitations of current support services. These findings are particularly relevant to the Victorian context, where many Hazara refugees have settled in municipalities such as Greater Dandenong and Casey (Adult Multicultural Education Services [AMES], 2014). The study’s outcomes are expected to inform targeted policy reform, particularly in the area of transitional support beyond age 18. Additionally, the findings contribute to broader discussions on refugee integration, youth transitions, and the long-term impact of temporary protection policies in Australia and other resettlement countries.

The paper is structured into three main sections. It begins by outlining the theoretical and methodological foundations, then presents key findings on the migration experiences, settlement expectations, and support needs of male Hazara youth. The final section offers a discussion of the implications for policy and practice.

Theoretical and Methodological Foundations

Theoretical Approach

This study is guided by Ecological Systems Theory and Social Networks Theory to investigate the socio-environmental and relational factors shaping the settlement experiences of UAMs and fUAMs in Australia. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (1979, 1994), the study examines how the microsystem (e.g., interactions with caregivers and teachers), mesosystem (e.g., school-service coordination), and macrosystem (e.g., immigration policy and cultural norms) interact to influence youth development and wellbeing (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2013; Bronfenbrenner, 2005). Within these nested contexts, institutions such as schools and casework services play a crucial role in fostering belonging, stability, and early adjustment (Pedersen et al., 2008).

Complementing this perspective, Social Networks Theory explores how UAMs and fUAMs access resources and support through formal and informal ties (Wrzus et al., 2013). The theory differentiates between strong ties—such as family and ethnic community connections—which provide trust and emotional security, and weak ties—such as school mentors and broader community members—which enhance access to diverse information, opportunities, and integration pathways (Ryan & D’Angelo, 2019). This framework is particularly useful in understanding the barriers (e.g., language, exclusion) and enablers (e.g., trust, shared identity) that shape the capacity of refugee youth to build networks essential to their long-term settlement (Flores-Yeffal, 2014; Mansouri & Skrbis, 2013). Together, these theories enable a nuanced understanding of how structural and relational factors shape the settlement trajectories of refugee-background youth.

METHODOLOGY AND DATA

This study employs a qualitative case study methodology situated within an interpretive/constructivist paradigm to explore the settlement experiences of UAMs and fUAMs in Melbourne, Australia. Drawing on the methodological principles outlined by Yin (2014) and Creswell (2005, 2013), the case study design is appropriate for addressing the “how” and “why” questions relevant to understanding lived experiences in complex real-life contexts. The focus is on six essential service domains identified in refugee settlement literature—accommodation, English language acquisition, education and training, employment support, income assistance, and casework/management (Correa-Velez, Gifford & Barnett, 2010).

A dual-sector embedded case unit design was adopted, incorporating 12 key informants—six professional caseworkers and six voluntary English language teachers—who work directly with Hazara UAMs and fUAMs ( see Appendix D). This design allowed for a multi-voiced analysis across both welfare and educational sectors, supporting cross-case comparison (Creswell, 2013). Snowball sampling was employed to recruit participants due to the hard-to-reach nature of the population (Noy, 2008).

Data collection consisted of semi-structured interviews conducted between September and November 2016. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and subjected to qualitative thematic analysis (Silverman, 2015). The coding process followed an inductive approach, supported by memo-writing, iterative refinement, and mapping of themes to theoretical constructs (Guest et al., 2012; Yin, 2009). Analytical procedures ensured that findings were grounded in participants’ narratives rather than imposed categories (Crotty, 1998, 2020).

Nine thematic areas (see Appendix E) were distilled from the data and later synthesized into six analytical categories based on ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1994) and social networks theory (Ryan & D’Angelo, 2019; Wrzus et al., 2013). These included migration trajectories, settlement support expectations, structural barriers and enablers, life-skills development, network formation, and psychosocial risk/protective factors.

Although the research provides rich insights into service provision for Hazara UAMs and fUAMs, the findings are based on service provider perspectives rather than direct accounts from unaccompanied asylum-seeker youth themselves. As such, results are context-specific and not readily generalizable to other refugee groups. Nevertheless, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of how key service actors perceive and influence settlement outcomes for one of Australia’s most vulnerable refugee subgroups.

Key Study Findings

This study explored the settlement experiences of Hazara UAMs and fUAMs in Melbourne, Australia, revealing several critical themes.

Migration Trajectories of Hazara Youth

While this was not the central focus, informants briefly acknowledged that Hazara youth were often pushed to migrate by ethnic persecution, political instability, and armed conflict. However, little was said about pull factors, despite literature highlighting education and safety as key motivators (Schuster, 2017; Correa-Velez et al., 2015; Correa-Velez, Nardone & Knoetze, 2014; Igbal et al., 2012). Similarly, the influence of age and gender—especially the prioritization of older boys due to their survival odds and lower risk of deportation—was overlooked (Crock & Kenny, 2012). This suggests a service sector emphasis on post-migration over pre-migration dynamics .

Expectations and Needs of Settlement Support Services

Bronfenbrenner’s ecological framework (1979, 2005) illuminated key disparities in support for UAMs and fUAMs. Informants consistently emphasized the vital role of English language acquisition for integration. One English teacher explained:

“Without solid English, they can’t study, can’t work, and definitely can’t connect with others socially.”

UAMs under 18 received structured, government-funded language programs, but these were withdrawn for fUAMs post-18 (AMES, 2016). Informants noted this gap left many struggling with literacy and communication, a trend supported by Australian and international research (Peterson et al., 2017; Due et al., 2016).

Disparities were also evident in educational resources. A caseworker highlighted:

“The most available teaching resources are textbooks, but since they have minimal English, they struggle to read and understand. We have few computers and TVs, but I rarely use them.”

This mirrors findings from AMES (2016) and Mallows (2013), which describe fUAMs’ limited access to learning materials, affecting their self-sufficiency and long-term outcomes.

Formal Settlement Support Structures

A structured government-led settlement model was found to be pivotal. The Operational Framework and Meaningful Engagement Program (MEP) provided UAMs with holistic support—housing, education, health, and recreation—enhancing resilience and social wellbeing (Department of Social Services [DSS], 2018; AMES, 2015a; Katz, Doney & Mitchell, 2013). However, fUAMs were excluded from these frameworks, left to navigate adult life with minimal guidance. As one caseworker described:

“Some service providers did a better job than others. You would have a five-bedroom house with one bathroom, while another had 12 young people in a double-storey house—that is not productive.”

This reflects broader implementation inconsistencies also seen in the USA and Europe (Wernesjo, 2019; Torrico, 2010), suggesting a critical need for transitional programs tailored to fUAMs.

Employment, Financial, and Health Literacy

Employment opportunities, along with financial and health literacy training, were identified as essential in fostering the independence of unaccompanied youth. These supports are particularly critical during their transition to adulthood, as they help promote economic self-sufficiency, reduce reliance on support services, and contribute to a stronger sense of belonging and long-term stability. Government-funded programs existed for UAMs, but fUAMs, constrained by visa limitations and reduced welfare access, struggled to secure jobs (Obschonka & Hahn, 2018; O’Higgins, 2012). Similarly, fUAMs faced barriers to health services due to low health literacy. A caseworker recalled:

“When the nurse went in the clinic with the young person (fUAM), the nurse was able to hear all the healthcare information… But it is unlikely that young person will do much with all that information given in the doctor’s surgery” – Jacob, caseworker.

This captures the disconnect between service availability and actual comprehension, a gap well-documented in research on refugee health (Riggs et al., 2016; Slewa-Younan et al., 2014).

Forms of Social Networks and Their Impact on Early Adjustment

Social networks are critical to the early adjustment of Hazara UAMs and fUAMs, offering emotional support, cultural belonging, and pathways to socioeconomic participation. Drawing from Wells (2011) and Hagan (1998), social networks are sustained through trust, shared norms, and culturally mediated interactions. The study’s findings show that structured social support, particularly for UAMs, significantly facilitated sociocultural integration, while fUAMs remained at risk of isolation due to the absence of formal programs and structural barriers.

Sociocultural Adaptation and Programmed Social Engagement: UAMs who participated in federally funded initiatives like the MEP benefited from facilitated peer connections, sporting activities, and intercultural learning. One caseworker explained:

“This [cultural orientation] happens through case managers who link them with community members or… wherever they live.” – Mohser, Caseworker.

These programs fostered cross-cultural competency, trust-building, and community belonging (Katz , Doney & Mitchell, 2013; Hagan, 1994). However, fUAMs—excluded from such programs—faced significant barriers in forming relationships, exacerbated by language challenges and cultural dislocation (Petersen et al., 2012). These gaps mirror international and Australian findings that link weak post-18 support to poor integration outcomes (Cardoso et al., 2019; Mansouri & Skrbis, 2013).

Trust, Self-Disclosure, and Interpersonal Barriers: Trust and self-disclosure were uneven across participants. While some UAMs opened up to caregivers and peers, others—particularly fUAMs—remained reserved due to trauma, visa insecurity, or fear of judgment. Informants observed that those unwilling or unable to disclose their needs often became socially withdrawn:

“Some of them keep everything inside. You try to help, but they don’t want to open up. They don’t trust easily.” – Sarah, Youth Support Worker.

This aligns with research by Ni Raghallaigh (2014), Crock (2006), and Kohli (2005), who found that mistrust among asylum-seeking youth undermines social bonding and limits access to support systems. In both Australian and international contexts, selective self-disclosure acted as a coping strategy but deepened feelings of exclusion (Van Os et al., 2018; Lenette, 2015).

Media, Politics, and Public Perception: Media and political narratives significantly shaped how Hazara youth were perceived and integrated. UAMs were often misrepresented in public discourse as overly dependent on government assistance, leading to stigma and public resentment. One informant explained:

“People think they get everything for free—housing, education—so there’s this resentment. It makes it hard for them to make local friends.” – Jacob, Caseworker.

This echoes findings from Eberl et al. (2018) and Katz, Doney and Mitchell (2013) who documented how negative portrayals of asylum-seekers in media and politics create social barriers and foster distrust. For fUAMs, such portrayals intensified feelings of alienation, reinforcing stereotypes and restricting social engagement (Cooper et al., 2017; Pedersen & Hartley, 2015).

Risk and Protective Factors in Early Settlement and Wellbeing Outcomes

This study reveals that while Hazara UAMs and fUAMs demonstrate remarkable resilience, their early settlement experiences are shaped by complex risk and protective factors. These factors operate across personal, social, and systemic levels, influencing their wellbeing and adaptation in Australia.

Risk Factors Across Migration Phases: Hazara youth encounter significant cumulative risks throughout their migration trajectories. These include persecution in Afghanistan, exclusion in transit countries like Iran, and precarious conditions post-arrival. One key informant illustrated the depth of this adversity:

“[UAMs] experienced conflicts in Afghanistan that forced them to relocate to Iran, where they were denied education, work, and permanent settlement. Others endured horrific events like family deaths, torture, and persecution.” – Andrew, English Teacher

These findings are consistent with Australian and global research highlighting ethnic persecution, prolonged instability, and systemic marginalization as key drivers of displacement and psychological distress (Kronick, Rousseau & Cleveland., 2015; Correa-Velez, Nardone & Knoetze, 2014). Post-migration risks for fUAMs, such as visa insecurity, limited housing, and interrupted social supports, further compound their vulnerability, increasing their risk of mental health issues ( Silove & Mares, 2018; Fazel, Reed & Stein, 2015).

Protective Factors Enhancing Resilience: At the macrosystem level, Australian government programs offering housing, education, and healthcare to UAMs have significantly moderated early stressors. These formal supports fostered stability and aided recovery. However, many informants expressed concern about the abrupt withdrawal of services at age 18, leaving fUAMs unsupported. As one service provider noted:

“Once they turn 18, most of the help is gone. They’re expected to manage everything themselves—housing, work, even legal stuff.” – Sarah, Social Worker

This gap in post-18 support is echoed in research calling for extended settlement services to sustain resilience and reduce long-term hardship (Raithelhuber, 2019; Katz, Doney & Mitchell, 2013).

At the mesosystem level, structured engagement through sports, cultural activities, and community involvement offered emotional support and a sense of belonging. UAMs with access to such networks reported improved wellbeing and connection. Conversely, fUAMs—lacking formal access—faced cultural isolation and discrimination, hindering integration (Rivera et al., 2016; Mansouri & Skrbis, 2013).

At the microsystem level, Hazara youth often showed agency, hope, and motivation despite hardship. Informants noted their strong drive to pursue education and employment. These internal assets, while protective, were often insufficient in the face of structural barriers such as job discrimination and insecure housing. As Sarah, a youth worker, put it:

“They’re incredibly driven, but without a stable home or a job, resilience can only take them so far.”

An Australian report (Centre for Multicultural Youth [CMY], 2013), along with research by Hutchinson and Dorsett (2012) and North American scholars (Southwick & Charney, 2018; Ungar, 2018), affirm that resilience is not an innate trait but rather a capacity that must be continually supported by external factors—particularly when individuals face persistent adversity.

Importantly, resilience responses are not universal. Ungar and Hadfield (2019) caution that some protective strategies may be ineffective—or even harmful—if not culturally or contextually appropriate. The Resilience Research Centre (Ungar, 2019) found that while most youth recover with basic services, a significant minority require targeted or specialized interventions. Moreover, Raghavan and Sandanapitchai (2019) argue for culturally grounded approaches that recognize the specific coping mechanisms and needs of refugee-background youth like the Hazara.

DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Discussion

This study provides a nuanced and intersectional analysis of the settlement experiences of Hazara unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors (UAMs) and former UAMs (fUAMs) in Australia. Framed through Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, the findings illuminate the dramatic shift in support systems once UAMs turn 18, leaving many fUAMs without the foundational resources needed to sustain housing, mental health, education, and employment. The loss of structured care at this critical developmental stage significantly increases the risk of social exclusion, emotional distress, and economic precarity—an issue echoed across global contexts (Raithelhuber, 2019; Katz, Doney & Mitchell, 2013).

Intersectionality—originally conceptualized by Crenshaw (1989, 2021)—offers a critical lens to understand these outcomes. Hazara UAMs and fUAMs navigate complex intersections of ethnicity, religion, visa status, and age that shape both their vulnerabilities and their resilience. Their racialized and ethnic identity often exposes them to systemic discrimination within education, housing, and welfare services (Fernández-Reino, 2020), while religious identities—particularly as practicing Muslims—invite Islamophobic responses that hinder inclusion and trust (Ozalp & Ćufurović, 2021). Precarious immigration status and delays in legal processing add further psychological strain and restrict access to key services (Menjívar & Perreira, 2019; Kohli, 2007, 2011). Language barriers, often compounded by disrupted schooling, inhibit social participation and economic mobility (Dossa, 2025).

Despite these intersecting barriers, Hazara UAMs and fUAMs frequently demonstrate remarkable resilience, supported by ethno-religious networks, cultural coping strategies, and adaptive identity formation (Androff & Mathis, 2022; Kohli, 2011). Some youth engage in civic participation and advocacy, using their lived experiences to amplify the needs of asylum-seeking populations (Chase, 2013). However, such resilience is not innate; it requires consistent structural support.

Crucially, this study finds that the abrupt withdrawal of formal settlement services at age 18 undermines many protective factors—such as access to education, housing, and social networks—placing fUAMs at a severe disadvantage compared to their younger counterparts. While UAMs benefit from federally funded programs such as the Meaningful Engagement Program (MEP), fUAMs are left to navigate adulthood with minimal guidance, mirroring challenges documented in international settings (Wernesjö, 2019; Torrico, 2010).

Global models offer valuable lessons. In Sweden, guardianship programs combined with personalized care plans ensure continuity in legal and emotional support (Çelikaksoy & Wadensjö, 2017). The Netherlands’ reception centres integrate mental health, language training, and education immediately upon arrival (Zijlstra et al., 2017). The UK’s “Every Child Matters” framework, despite inconsistencies, highlights the potential of embedding asylum-seeking children’s welfare within broader child protection systems (Sanchez-Clemente et al., 2023; Wade et al., 2012). These examples underscore the importance of trauma-informed, developmentally aligned, and systemically integrated support mechanisms.

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Extend Settlement Support Beyond Age 18: Establish a Post-18 Continuum Model that includes transitional housing, case management, education pathways, and mental health care for at least two additional years. This model should reflect the developmental needs of young adults and mitigate service drop-off (Silove & Mares, 2018; CMY, 2013).
2. Develop Tailored Language and Literacy Programs: ESL programs should be restructured to accommodate fUAMs with interrupted education histories. Multimodal learning, trauma-informed pedagogy, and access to digital resources are essential to reduce isolation and enhance participation (AMES, 2016; Due et al., 2016).
3. Expand Culturally Responsive Mental Health Services: Cultural competency must underpin mental health delivery. Services should engage community leaders, peer support workers, and interpreters to build trust and address trauma in culturally relevant ways (Riggs et al., 2016; Slewa-Younan et al., 2014).
4. Support Employment and Financial Literacy Pathways: Vocational training, job placement, and financial education must be adapted to address visa limitations, gaps in formal qualifications, and unfamiliarity with local systems (Obschonka & Hahn, 2018; O’Higgins, 2012).
5. Institutionalize Participatory Youth Engagement: Involve UAMs and fUAMs in policy development, program design, and evaluation through youth advisory boards and participatory research. Co-production ensures solutions reflect lived realities (Raghavan & Sandanapitchai, 2019; Ungar & Hadfield, 2019).
6. Launch Public Education and Anti-Stigma Campaigns: Address harmful narratives that stigmatize Hazara youth by promoting inclusive media representations and public engagement. Community storytelling initiatives can counter myths and foster empathy (Eberl et al., 2018; Pedersen & Hartley, 2015).

CONCLUSION

This study calls for a shift away from fragmented and age-bound models of care toward a comprehensive, culturally responsive, and developmentally aligned policy framework. To ensure that Hazara fUAMs are not left behind at the threshold of adulthood, Australia must embed intersectionality and trauma-informed practice at the heart of its settlement policy. Only then can it truly uphold the rights, dignity, and potential of unaccompanied refugee youth.

Declarations

Funding Declaration

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Clinical Trial Registration

Clinical trial number is not applicable.

Ethics Statement

Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the University of Melbourne Human Research Ethics Committee (ID: 1441663.1), and all informed consent procedures were conducted in accordance with institutional guidelines and ethical standards.

REFERENCES

1. Adult Multicultural Education Services (AMES). (2016). Language and literacy resources. St. Leonards, NSW: NSW AMES Publications.
2. Adult Multicultural Education Services. (2015a). Meaningful Engagement Program. Little Collins St., Melbourne: AMES. Retrieved from http://www.ames.net.au/asylum-seeker-program/meaningful-engagement-program.html.
3. Adult Multicultural Education Services. (2015b). Welcoming refugees to Victoria: The Humanitarian Settlement Service. Little Collins St., Melbourne: AMES. Retrieved from http://www.ames.net.au/files/file/Settlement/HSS/57982%20AMES%20HSS%20DL%20Flyer_English-LR.pdf.
4. Adult Multicultural Education Services. (2014). Media release: Melbourne’s Hazara community featured in photo exhibition. Little Collins St., Melbourne: AMES. Retrieved from http://amesnews.com.au/media-releases/media-release-melbournes-hazara-community-featured-photo-exhibition/.
5. Androff, D., & Mathis, C. (2022). Human rights–based social work practice with immigrants and asylum seekers in a legal service organization. Journal of Human Rights and Social Work, 7(2), 178-188.
6. Aflaki, I. N., & Freise, M. (2021). Challenging the welfare system and forcing policy innovation? Unaccompanied asylum-seeking children in Sweden and Germany. Journal of Refugee Studies, 34(1), 264-284.
7. Baxendale, R. (2019, June 21). Sudanese top for crime charges. The Australian.
8. Bronfenbrenner, U. (2005). Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human development. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.
9. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1994). Ecological models of human development. In International Encyclopedia of Education, (Vol. 3), (2nd ed.). Oxford: Elsevier.
10. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
11. Buckmaster, L., & Guppy, J. (2014). Australian Government assistance to refugees: Fact versus fiction. Canberra: Parliament of Australia. Retrieved from http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/library/prspub/3499633/upload_binary/3499633.pdf;fileType=application/pdf.
12. Cardoso, B. J., Brabeck, K., Stinchcomb, D., Heidbrink, L., Price, O. A., Gil-García, Ó. F., … & Zayas, L. H. (2019). Integration of unaccompanied migrant youth in the United States: A call for research. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 1–20.
13. Çelikaksoy, A., & Wadensjö, E. (2017). Policies, practices and prospects: the unaccompanied minors in Sweden. Social Work & Society, 15(1).
14. Centre for Multicultural Youth. (2013). Settling or surviving? Unaccompanied young adults aged 18–25 years. Melbourne: Centre for Multicultural Youth.
15. Chase, E. (2013). Security and subjective wellbeing: The experiences of unaccompanied young people seeking asylum in the UK. Sociology of Health & Illness, 35(6), 858–872. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9566.2012.01541.x
16. Cooper, S., Olejniczak, E., Lenette, C., & Smedley, C. (2017). Media coverage of refugees and asylum seekers in regional Australia: A critical discourse analysis. Media International Australia, 162(1), 78–89.
17. Correa-Velez, I., Gifford, S. M., & McMichael, C. (2015). The persistence of predictors of wellbeing among refugee youth eight years after resettlement in Melbourne, Australia. Social Science & Medicine, 142, 163–168.
18. Correa-Velez, I., Nardone, M., & Knoetze, K. (2014). Leaving family behind: Understanding the irregular migration of unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors–A quarterly study. Canberra: Department of Immigration and Border Protection. Retrieved from https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/research/leaving-family-behind.pdf.
19. Correa-Velez, I., Gifford, S. M., & Barnett, A. G. (2010). Longing to belong: Social inclusion and wellbeing among youth with refugee backgrounds in the first three years in Melbourne, Australia. Social Science and Medicine, 71(8), 1399–1408.
20. Crenshaw, K. W. (2021). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex. Cahiers du Genre, 70(1), 21-49.
21. Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex. University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1989(1), 139–167. https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol1989/iss1/8
22. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches (3rd ed.). London: Sage.
23. Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches (2nd ed.). London: Sage.
24. Crock, M. E. (Ed.). (2015). Creating new future: Settling children and youth from refugee backgrounds. Annandale NSW: Federation Press
25. Crock, M. E., & Kenny, M. A. (2012). Rethinking the guardianship of refugee children after the Malaysian Solution. Sydney Law Review, 34(437), 437–465.
26. Crock, M. E. (2006). Seeking asylum alone: A study of Australian law, policy and practice regarding unaccompanied and separated children. Sydney: Themis Press.
27. Crotty, M. (2020). Foundations of Social Research: Meaning and perspective in the research process. London: Routledge.
28. Crotty, M. (1998). The foundations of social research: Meaning and perspectives in the research process. Crow’s Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin.
29. Department of Immigration & Border Protection. (2015). The Fast Track assessment process. Canberra, ACT: DIBP. Retrieved from http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Fast-track-Fact-sheet.pdf.
30. Department of Social Services. (2018). Humanitarian Settlement Program. Canberra, ACT: DSS. Retrieved from https://www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/09_2018/hsp-factsheet-august-2018.pdf.
31. Dossa, S. (2025). Towards understanding the experiences of agency of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children and young people in the UK  (Doctoral dissertation, University of Essex).
32. Due, C., Riggs, D. W., & Augoustinos, M. (2016). Diversity in intensive English language centres in South Australia: Sociocultural approaches to education for students with migrant or refugee backgrounds. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 20(12), 1286–1296.
33. Eberl, J. M., Meltzer, C. E., Heidenreich, T., Herrero, B., Theorin, N., Lind, F., … & Strömbäck, J. (2018). The European media discourse on immigration and its effects: A literature review. Annals of the International Communication Association, 42(3), 207–223.
34. Fernández-Reino, M. (2020). Children of migrants in the UK. Migration observatory briefing.
35. Fazel, M., Reed, R., & Stein, A. (2015). Refugee, asylum‐seeking and internally displaced children and adolescents. Rutter’s Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 573-585.
36. Ferrari, R. (2015). Writing narrative style literature reviews. Medical Writing, 24(4), 230–235. https://doi.org/10.1179/2047480615Z.000000000329.
37. Flores-Yeffal, N. Y. (2014). Migration-trust networks: Social cohesion in Mexican US-bound emigration. College Station, TX: Texas A & M University Press.
38. Guest, G., MacQueen, K. M., & Namey, E. E. (2012). Applied thematic analysis. Los Angeles: Sage.
39. Hagan, J. M. (1998). Social networks, gender, and immigrant incorporation: Resources and constraints. American Sociological Review, 63(1), 55–67.
40. Hagan, J. M. (1994). Deciding to be legal: A Maya community in Houston. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
41. Hancilova, B., Knauder, B., & Sutter, P. (2011). Unaccompanied minor asylum-seekers: Overview of protection, assistance, and promising practices. Grand-Saconnex, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration.
42. Hariharan, M., & Rana, S. (2017). Conceptual complexity of resilience: Synergy approach to measurement. In U. Kumar (Ed.), The Routledge International Handbook of psychosocial resilience (pp. 24–45). New York: Routledge.
43. Harvey, A., Campbell, P., Andrewartha, L., Wilson, J. Z., & Goodwin-Burns, P. (2017). Recruiting and supporting care leavers in Australian higher education. La Trobe University, Melbourne: Centre for Higher Education Equity and Diversity Research.
44. Hutchinson, M., & Dorsett, P. (2012). What does the literature say about resilience in refugee people? Implications for practice. Journal of Social Inclusion, 3(2), 55–78.
45. Iqbal, N., Joyce, A., Russo, A., & Earnest, J. (2012). Resettlement experiences of Afghan Hazara female adolescents: A case study from Melbourne, Australia. International Journal of Population Research, (2012), 1–9.
46. Jesuit Social Services. (2015). The living conditions of people seeking asylum in Australia. Richmond, Victoria:  JSS. Retrieved from http://jss.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Asylum_Seeker_Position_Paper_-_December_2015.pdf
47. Kail, R. V., & Cavanaugh, J. C. (2013). Human development: A life-span view (6th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.
48. Katz, I., Doney, G. & Mitchell, E. (2013). Evaluation of the expansion of community detention program: Client and service provider perspectives. Sydney, NSW: Social Policy Research Centre, the University of New South Wales.
49. Katz, I., Powell, A., Gendera, S., Deasy, T., & Okerstrom, E. (2013). The experiences of irregular maritime arrivals detained in immigration detention facilities: Final report for the Australian Government Department of Immigration and Citizenship. Sydney, NSW: Social Policy Research Centre, the University of New South Wales.
50. Kenny, M. A., Procter, N., & Grech, C. (2016). Mental health and legal representation for asylum seekers in the ‘legacy caseload’. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 8(2), 84–103.
51. Kohli, R. K. S. (2011). Working to ensure safety, belonging and success for unaccompanied asylum-seeking children. Child Abuse Review, 20(5), 311–323. https://doi.org/10.1002/car.1182
52. Kohli, R. K. S. (2007). Social work with unaccompanied asylum-seeking children. Palgrave Macmillan.
53. Kohli, R. K. (2005). The sound of silence: Listening to what unaccompanied asylum-seeking children say and do not say. British Journal of Social Work,36(5), 707-721.
54. Kronick, R., Rousseau, C., & Cleveland, J. (2015). Asylum-seeking children’s experiences of detention in Canada: A qualitative study. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 85(3), 287–294.
55. Lawrence, J. A., Kaplan, I., & Collard, A. H. (2016). Understanding the perspectives of refugee unaccompanied minors using a computer-assisted interview. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung/Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 17(2), 1–19.
56. Lenette, C. (2015). Mistrust and refugee women who are lone parents in resettlement contexts. Qualitative Social Work, 14(1), 119–134.
57. Mallows, D. (2013). Innovations in English language teaching for migrants and refugees. London, UK: British Council.
58. Mansouri, F., & Skrbis, Z. (2013). Social networks, belonging and active citizenship among migrant youth in Australia. Melbourne: Centre for Multicultural Youth.
59. McAdam, J., & Chong, F. (2014). Refugees: Why seeking asylum is legal and Australia’s policies are not. Sydney: New South Publishing, University of New South Wales Press Ltd.
60. Menjívar, C., & Perreira, K. M. (2019). Undocumented and unaccompanied: Children of migration in the European Union and the United States. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 45(2), 197-217.
61. Nardone, M., & Correa-Velez, I. (2015). Unpredictability, invisibility, and vulnerability: Unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors’ journeys to Australia. Journal of Refugee Studies, 29(3), 295–314.
62. Ni Raghallaigh, M. (2014). The causes of mistrust amongst asylum seekers and refugees: Insights from research with unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors living in the Republic of Ireland. Journal of Refugee Studies, 27(1), 82–100. doi: 10.1093/jrs/fet006.
63. Noy, C. (2008). Sampling knowledge: The hermeneutics of snowball sampling in qualitative research. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 11(4), 327-344.
64. Nunn, C., Gifford, S. M., McMichael, C., & Correa-Velez, I. (2017). Navigating precarious terrains: Reconceptualizing refugee-youth settlement. Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees/Refuge, 33(2), 45–55.
65. Obschonka, M., & Hahn, E. (2018). Personal agency in newly arrived refugees: The role of personality, entrepreneurial cognitions and intentions, and career adaptability. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 105, 173–184.
66. O’Higgins, A. (2012). Vulnerability and agency: Beyond an irreconcilable dichotomy for social service providers working with young refugees in the UK. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 2012(136), 79–91.
67. Ozalp, M., & Ćufurović, M. (2021). Religion, belonging, and active citizenship: A systematic review of literature on Muslim youth in Australia. Religions, 12(4), 237.
68. Pedersen, A., & Hartley, L. K. (2015). Can we make a difference? Prejudice towards asylum seekers in Australia and the effectiveness of antiprejudice interventions. Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology, 9(1), 1–14.
69. Pedersen, A., Kenny, M. A., Briskman, L., & Hoffman, S. (2008). Working with Wasim: A convergence of community. The Australian Community Psychologist, 20(1), 57–72.
70. Petersen, L. E., Dünnbier, U., & Morgenroth, O. (2012). Ethnic identity and ethnicity-related stress in accompanied and unaccompanied adolescent immigrants: Does the family work as social capital for adolescent immigrants? Psychology, 3(04), 370–377.
71. Peterson, A., Meehan, C., Ali, Z., & Durrant, I. (2017). What are the educational needs and experiences of asylum-seeking and refugee children, including those who are unaccompanied, with a particular focus on inclusion? –A literature review (pp. 1–20). Canterbury, UK: Canterbury Christ Church University.
72. Phillips, D. (2012). Why Hazaras flee: An historical perspective of their persecution. Canberra, ACT: Government’s Expert Panel on Asylum Seekers, the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet. Retrieved from http://expertpanelonasylumseekers.dpmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/public-submissions/PhillipsD.pdf.
73. Phillips, J. (2017). Boat arrivals and boat ‘turnbacks’ in Australia since 1976: A quick guide to the statistics. Canberra, ACT: Parliament of Australia. Retrieved from http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/library/prspub/4068239/upload_binary/4068239.pdf;fileType=application/pdf.
74. Phillips, J. (2013). Asylum seekers and refugees: what are the facts? Canberra: Department of Parliamentary Services, Parliament of Australia.
75. Raghavan, S. S., & Sandanapitchai, P. (2019). Cultural predictors of resilience in a multinational sample of trauma survivors. Frontiers in Psychology, 10, 131.
76. Raithelhuber, E. (2019). “If we want, they help us in any way”: How “unaccompanied refugee minors” experience mentoring relationships. European Journal of Social Work, 1–16.
77. Refugee Council of Australia. (2018). 2018-2019 Federal Budget: What it means for refugees and people seeking humanitarian protection. Surry Hills, NSW: RCOA. Retrieved from https://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/publications/2018-2019-federal-budget/.
78. Refugee Council of Australia. (2015). Review of the Humanitarian Settlement Services and Complex Case Support programs. Surry Hills, NSW: RCOA. Retrieved from http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/1411-HSS-CCS.pdf.
79. Riggs, E., Yelland, J., Duell-Piening, P., & Brown, S. J. (2016). Improving health literacy in refugee populations. Medical Journal of Australia, 204(1), 9–10.
80. Rivera, H., Lynch, J., Li, J. T., & Obamehinti, F. (2016). Infusing sociocultural perspectives into capacity building activities to meet the needs of refugees and asylum seekers. Canadian Psychology/Psychologie Canadienne, 57(4), 320–329.
81. Ryan, L., & D’Angelo, A. (2019). Changing times: Migrants’ social network analysis and the challenges of longitudinal research. Social Networks, 53(2018), 148–158.
82. Saikal, A. (2012a). Afghanistan: The status of the Shi’ite Hazara minority. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 32(1), 80–87.
83. Saikal, A. (2012b). Modern Afghanistan: A history of struggle and survival. London, UK: L. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd.
84. Sanchez-Clemente, N., Eisen, S., Harkensee, C., Longley, N., O’Grady, R., & Ward, A. (2023). Beyond arrival: safeguarding unaccompanied asylum-seeking children in the UK. Archives of Disease in Childhood, 108(3), 160-165.
85. Schuster, L. (2017). Risks on return of Hazara asylum seekers: Anonymised report prepared for Immigration Tribunal. London, UK: City University of London. Retrieved from http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/17202/3/Hazara%20report%202016.pdf.
86. Silove, D., & Mares, S. (2018). The mental health of asylum seekers in Australia and the role of psychiatrists. BJPsych International, 15(3), 65–68.
87. Silverman, D. (2015). Interpreting qualitative data (5th ed.). London, UK: Sage.
88. Sleijpen, M., June ter Heide, F. J., Mooren, T., Boeije, H. R., & Kleber, R. J. (2013). Bouncing forward of young refugees: A perspective on resilience research directions. European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 4(1), 20124.
89. Slewa-Younan, S., Mond, J., Bussion, E., Mohammad, Y., Guajardo, M. G. U., Smith, M., … & Jorm, A. F. (2014). Mental health literacy of resettled Iraqi refugees in Australia: Knowledge about posttraumatic stress disorder and beliefs about helpfulness of interventions. BMC Psychiatry,14(1), 320.
90. Southwick, S. M., & Charney, D. (2018). Resilience: The science of mastering life’s greatest challenges. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
91. Tellis, A. J., & Eggers, J. (2017). US policy in Afghanistan: Changing strategies, preserving gains. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
92. Torrico, R. (2010). Meeting the needs of immigrant children and youth in child welfare. Washington, DC: National Association of Social Workers. Retrieved from ttps://www.socialworkers.org/assets/secured/documents/practice/clinical/WKF-MISC-45510.ChildrenPU.pdf.
93. Tudsri, P., & Hebbani, A. (2014). “Now I’m part of Australia and i need to know what is happening here”: Case of Hazara male former refugees in Brisbane strategically selecting media to aid acculturation. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 16(4), 1273–1289.
94. Ungar, M. (2019). Designing resilience research: Using multiple methods to investigate risk exposure, promotive and protective processes, and contextually relevant outcomes for children and youth. Child abuse & Neglect, 96, 104098.
95. Ungar, M. (2018). The differential impact of social services on young people’s resilience. Child Abuse & Neglect, 78, 4–12.
96. Ungar, M., & Hadfield, K. (2019). The differential impact of environment and resilience on youth outcomes. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 51(2), 135–146.
97. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2018). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2018. Geneva, Switzerland: UNHCR. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/5d08d7ee7.pdf.
98. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2017). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2017. Geneva, Switzerland: UNHCR. Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/5b27be547.pdf.
99. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2016). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2016. Geneva, Switzerland: UNHCR. Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/statistics/ unhcrstats/5943e8a34/global-trends-forced-displacement-2016.html.
100. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2011). UNHCR Resettlement handbook. Geneva, Switzerland: UNHCR. Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/46f7c0ee2.html.
101. van Os, E. C. C., Zijlstra, A. E., Knorth, E. J., Post, W. J., & Kalverboer, M. E. (2018). Finding keys: A systematic review of barriers and facilitators for refugee children’s disclosure of their life stories. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, (2018 January 1), 1524838018757748. doi: 10.1177/1524838018757748.
102. Vervliet, M., Vanobbergen, B., Broekaert, E., & Derluyn, I. (2015). The aspirations of Afghan unaccompanied refugee minors before departure and on arrival in the host country. Childhood, 22(3), 330–345. doi: 10.1177/0907568214533976.
103. Von Werthern, M., Grigorakis, G., & Vizard, E. (2019). The mental health and wellbeing of Unaccompanied Refugee Minors (URMs). Child Abuse & Neglect, 98, 104146.
104. Wade, J., Sirriyeh, A., Kohli, R., & Simmonds, J. (2012). Fostering unaccompanied asylum-seeking young people. A Research Project. London: British Association for Adoption & Fostering.
105. Wahlquist, C. (2018, January 9). Victoria’s ‘gang crisis’ and how the election creates a double standard on crime. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/jan/09/victorias-gang-crisis-and-how-the-election-fuels-a-double-standard-on.
106. Wells, K. (2011). The strength of weak ties: The social networks of young separated asylum seekers and refugees in London. Children’s Geographies, 9(3–4), 319–329. doi: 10.1080/14733285.2011.590710.
107. Wernesjö, U. (2019). Across the threshold: Negotiations of deservingness among unaccompanied young refugees in Sweden. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 1–16.
108. Wrzus, C., Hänel, M., Wagner, J., & Neyer, F. J. (2013). Social network changes and life events across the life span: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 139(1), 53–80
109. Yin, R. (2014). Case study research: Design and methods (5th ed.). Los Angeles: Sage.
110. Yin, R. (2009). Case study research: Design and methods (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
111. Zijlstra, E., Rip, J. A., Beltman, D., Van Os, C., Knorth, E. J., & Kalverboer, M. (2017). Unaccompanied minors in the Netherlands: Legislation, policy and care. Social work & society, 15(2), 1-20.

APPENDICES

Appendix A

Table 1 Definition of Key Words

Appendix B

Table 2 Australia’s Structure of Onshore UAMs’ and fUAMs’ Support Services

Note: Adapted from DSS (2018); RCOA (2015, 2018); AMES (2015ab); Jesuit Social Services (2015); Buckmaster & Guppy (2014); Katz , Doney and Mitchell (2013).

Appendix C

Table 3 Nine Themes in the Global and Australian Literature on Support Services for UAMs Compared to fUAMs

Appendix D

 Table 4 12 Key Informant Profiles

Appendix E

Figure 1 Nine Themes that Emerged from the Analysed Data.