An Analysis of the Impact of Temple Lands on Rural Socio-Economic Sustainability in Sri Lanka

An Analysis of the Impact of Temple Lands on Rural Socio-Economic Sustainability in Sri Lanka

Dr. M. A. Prasad Kumara

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities Rajarata University of Sri Lanka

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.907000256

Received: 04 July 2025; Accepted: 12 July 2025; Published: 12 August 2025

ABSTRACT

In this study on the effects of temple land during the Kandy kingdom period on rural socio-economic sustainability, the research problem was how temple land during the Kandy kingdom period affected rural socio-economic sustainability. The main objective of the research is to study the contribution of lands owned by temples during the Kandy kingdom period to rural socio-economic sustainability. A qualitative research method was used as the research method. The primary literary source belonging to the proposed stages, many archeological sources such as Sannas, Tudapat, Aktapatra, Gampatra, Siti Wu, last wills, and many research books written by the temple land management in the relevant period.  Having land grants made for temples has had a clear impact politically on the stability and sustainability of governance in this country. The specialty of village and city administration was a decisive force for the stability of the state, and here the monk’s contribution was a decisive factor among them. The monk contributed to the social development by distributing the temple lands to the rural community as appropriate, and the rural community exchanged its social needs with the viharadhipa thero, who was the immediate leadership. It was the monk who became the nucleus on which the interrelationship between the village and the state was built. Temple land was strategically used to uplift the rural economy and alleviate poverty. These lands were given to the landless and lower-income earners in the rural society and directly contributed to economic processes such as the upliftment of the rural economy, job creation, and poverty alleviation by directing them to productive agriculture. Temple land donations also contributed to the process of rural resource management and heritage conservation. The final conclusion of the study was that temple lands during the Kandy kingdom period had a direct impact on rural socio-economic sustainability.

Keywords: land, management, sustainability, stability, temple

INTRODUCTION TO RESEARCH

This research conducted a study on the impact of temple land on rural socio-economic sustainability during the Kandy Kingdom period. A land for a temple is a future for the village. When various donors including the royals donated a number of economic generating properties to the temple, it did not appear that the villagers belonging to the temple raised any objection or criticism. The reason why no objection was expressed was because the temple land became a centrifugal force in building political stability (Royal Loyalty), rural economic development (Rural Economic Development), social harmony (Social Harmony). Building social cohesion and leadership (Social Cohasion and Order), and in general, sustainable development of the country (Sustainable Development). This research conducts an investigation on the impact of temple land on rural socio-economic sustainability during the Kandy Kingdom period in Sri Lanka.

Research Methodology

In this study, qualitative research methodology was used as the research method. In data collection, archaeological sources such as primary literary sources, inscriptions, inscriptions, tudapats, akthapatras, praveni documents, village records, situ, and last wills were studied and field studies were conducted. As data analysis methods, the historical comparative method, thematic analysis method, case study method, and empirical verification method were used to reach conclusions.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

An important research result of this research was the political impact of land grants made by the royals to the temples on the stability and sustainability of the state administration in the country. The Sri Lankan ruler was never an all-powerful person who had acquired a monopoly, and his main duties included public security, public welfare, as well as economic and religious development. The specificity of village and city administration was a decisive force in the stability of the state, and the contribution of the monk was a decisive factor in this. The royals transferred lands for the needs of the temples, and the monk used them for the relevant purposes.

They distributed it to the rural community and directed it towards social development. Therefore, the rural community exchanged its social needs with the immediate leadership, the incumbent of the temple, and the monk became the nucleus that built the relationship between the relevant village and the state. The control relationship between the capital city, which was the center of the political power mechanism, and the village was built through the monk, and all this was linked to the temple land.Therefore, the monks did not act to accept any land offered to them and took steps to accept or reject the donation after examining to what extent that land could be used for rural economic development and the extent of the resource management capacity of the land to do so. During the reign of Rajadhirajasinghe, a donation of land was made to the Malimbada Thera of the Loku Appu Pothgul Viharaya because he was the owner of those lands (Gnanavimala 1942: 106-107). When a commoner donated land to a monk, the monk acted to accept that land for religious purposes because the land possessed the water factor, soil profile, and other environmental factors necessary for such a well-nourished crop. However, the fact that the monk acted to reject such lands that lacked such environmental factors when they were donated to temples makes it clear that the monk did not act out of selfishness or the desire to increase land, but rather out of a noble sense of state sustainability.

An important point that emerges from this illustration is that in ancient society, the monk went beyond his religious role and was deeply involved in a significant economic development responsibility. Land is not received by him or his temple for personal enjoyment. That land is simply a tool for social welfare. It was the national responsibility of the monk to cultivate the land owned by the temple by employing the people of the village and thereby making the rural economy a well-nourished one, and through that, the needs of the temple are also actively fulfilled. The land received by him or the temple can be used as a rural economic development tool only if the land has the facilities and environment to cultivate the land. The water factor is essential for the rural people to cultivate the land. Therefore, it is difficult to use a land that does not meet that requirement for the purpose of public welfareWhen every village was prosperous through the temple land, the king could maintain his power mechanism from the capital without any problems. Therefore, for this economic development process to be accomplished by the monks, the land under the control of the monks had to meet all the needs.

Since it should be a complete and complete structure, it is possible that the land along with the tank was expected. On the surface, some may think that this may have demonstrated the monk’s greed regarding his economic potential, but it can clearly be shown that a huge economic development vision beyond that is implicit in this. It can be concluded from this that the real nucleus in the concept of village, temple, tank and dagoba was centered around the land, and that the monk took the role of uplifting the rural economy through land as a national role that he shouldered and that the monk made a real contribution to the sustainable development of the state. The monk has played a significant role in the country’s sovereignty and economic development while leading the society towards a better society. The monk, who thought that the collapse of the individual economy was a major obstacle to social development, has made direct interventions in maintaining the rural economy at a stable level. The villagers of the village of Pallebedda, who are not properly called a village and do not have land, are demanding that they come to Binvasi to enjoy their lives. Therefore, the Bitter Vellapotha of that village, the well, the paddy field, the roots, the seeds, the area of ​​about fifteen lakhs belonging to the Pangu of the Yahale Wela House, which is vacant, and the land, mud or trees, and the wild land belonging to it, are being handed over to these villagers. Since the other Pangukaras of that village have been doing some work and duties for us for years, and if they do not do such work and leave the service, then do I have the power to transfer that Pangukara from them and release it from it? I have the same power to my heirs and students. I have this power… The one who did this was Karatota Sri By the Head of Dhammarama Unnanse’ (Wanarathana 2008: 53). As stated in this article, the paddy land was donated to the people of Dodamuluwa by the monk of Karathota Sri Dhammarama.  The rural community dealing with temple lands was required to perform their relevant services under a legal framework, and the monk who owned the temple or land had the power to repossess it at any time if they failed to do so. Accordingly, in the contemporary era, the monk’s role in temple lands wasAn understanding of power can be gained from this. One of the most important things that emerges from this illustration is the intervention of the village head monk to restore the economic status of the families when the problems of poverty arose among the rural community. Poverty hinders rural socio-economic development and poverty is a cause of family problems. This also becomes a reason for the growth of immorality including theft among the rural community. Therefore, when poverty increases in the family household, the organized steps taken by the monk to provide land to the family and free them from poverty even provide examples for modern policy formulation. At present, the main reason for the slow development of the country is the indiscriminate use of state funds to provide welfare and other subsidies to low-income earners. However, the subsidy process is a temporary intervention to eliminate poverty. On the one hand, it also becomes a reason for poverty to grow in society. But the monk of the past, in such a problematic situation, by giving land to that poor family, showed only the necessary way out of poverty. By recognizing the values ​​of one’s labor and managing them correctly, one can move towards economic prosperity. Accordingly, the steps taken by the Chief Venerable Thero to eradicate poverty in rural society are a far-sighted program and are also a reason for the development of the state economy. Under such methods, poverty no longer became an obstacle to the state economy, and there was never any misuse of state funds to maintain the poor. This process also provides great examples for the formulation of modern state economic policies.

It is clear that the cultivation of temple land by using villagers was important for the upliftment of the rural economy as well as for the development processes of the country. During periods of political instability in the country, temples become inactive and the economic generating assets of the temples and the rural community leave the temples. In such politically unstable periods, the rural community that had acquired the possession of temple lands has come forward and has been actively engaged in the task of repairing and renovating the dilapidated temples. Since it is normal for the economic generating assets of an inactive temple to be lost from the ownership of that temple, in such cases, the rural community that has acquired the lands has also provided free labor. When the Walala Raja Maha Viharaya in Walala Thudapatha fell into disrepair, the intervention of the Vihara Dasadas was mentioned along with the various people of the village, both big and small (Dhammananda 1966207). Accordingly, the temple land was an economic generating asset that protected the temple both when the temple was self-sufficient and when it faced challenges. Accordingly, it can be identified that the rural community associated with the temple in the village was organized under several groups and engaged in providing services. The first group received temple lands from the village head monk and managed the temple through their service to ensure its sustainability.

A very important group that contributed. They were often a group in need of protection who inherited poverty, but they were also a group with some professional integrity. These groups had special skills such as making jaggery, making drums. Security work, and through them, they provided essential services to the temple. The second group was the group that allocated labor for temple development activities, and because of their contribution, temple development did not become an obstacle to the state economy. The third group was the upper class of the rural community who also contributed labor and materials to temple development. The fourth group was the group that provided assistance to the temple head monks for the development of the village temple without expecting any privileges such as receiving temple land. Achieving transcendental development became their ultimate determination. All four groups have made a strong contribution to the development of the rural economy. It is clear that this concept had a direct impact on the physical protection of the temple heritage and the mental satisfaction of the villagers who grew up in the vicinity of the temple.

Plan No. 01 – Temple Lands and Rural Socio-Cultural Sustainability

The Eldeniya Sannasas, which were given to Navaratna Dawunda Shilapacharya, a master of all the arts and crafts, by Rajakaruna of Eldeniya due to the decay and destruction of the Sannasas and palm leaves received by his descendants, are described in detail in the Eldeniya Sannasas (Tissa Kumara 1992: 132). The Dambulla Viharaya Tudapatha states that ‘Similarly, the second Thahakara Thero improved the ruins of the walls and foundations of the temple and cut down trees on the land border included in the first four boundaries and filled seven tanks namely Ratmalagaha Ela, Yapagama, Moragolla Wewa, Bim Thambura, Pilagammana, Meda Mulla, Ratmala Golla and made twenty annums of paddy fields’. The creation of tanks and cultivation of paddy lands are carried out by a monk. The paddy lands that were given to the temple were given to the villagers and they were made to carry out these works. The construction of seven tanks and the cultivation of twenty-five acres of paddy fields was a unique mission carried out to uplift the contemporary rural economy. On the one hand, these economic interventions may have helped to meet the needs of the temple, and on the other hand, the economic level of the rural farmers has also been enriched due to the involvement of the villagers in all these opportunities. Accordingly, the temple land has acted as a main nucleus that brought together the king and the monks, the monks and the villagers. It is also seen in the documents that these lands received by the Dambulla Raja Maha Viharaya were sometimes granted to Wellpitiye Abeysinghe Mudiyanse, who carried out renovation work at the Dambulla Viharaya on the orders of King Senarath, for special services (Senevirathna 1995 99). During the reign of King Wimaladharma Suriya II (1687-1707 AD), the second Thahankara Sthavira appointed officials to various departments of the temple. It is stated that Ma Hene Galladda had a bell cast in the stone in front of the stone gate of the Rajamaha Viharaya and had lead poured into the stone hole and a paddy field and 200 panams of paddy were given as a reward for the work done (Senevirathna 1995. 99-100). Accordingly, it is clear that the temple land had also become a major source of income for the artisans for the professional work they were doing.

In order to fulfill every need of the temple with proper management, an official share was allocated for that task. For example, the hevisi share. The betel nut share. The salt-giving share, etc. can be mentioned. The official share allocated for the fulfillment of the relevant task was considered a duty and responsibility by the person enjoying the official share, and it was a process organized on the basis of mutual trust between the monk and the landowner. The relevant service had to be performed in order to enjoy the temple land based on the ability of the person. Performing services for the upliftment of the temple based on one’s ability was a cause of mental happiness for the landowner of the temple and it clearly ensured the effectiveness of the relevant task. The largest share of the land shares of the Soraguna Devalaya was allocated for the fulfillment of the perahera functions, and an official share was found for every task related to the perahera (Sannasgala 1973: 16-17). Especially because of this service, a skilled generation in each sector is continuously created in the village, which clearly provides opportunities for their contribution to the development of the country. Therefore, temple land services are an organized socio-cultural process that guides the people of the village in the right direction, and it has clearly led to the sustainability of temple management as well as the sustainability of the country. After the temple lands are distributed to the rural people by the monk, they all become beneficiaries of temple lands. Just as all the water becomes salty when the five great rivers flow into the sea, a person of any caste becomes a beneficiary of temple lands after acquiring temple lands. Guard service, dancing, drumming, whitewashing. They performed many services for the temple, such as cleaning the temple, and they did so based on the merit they displayed in that work. This Ishtartha Siddhikariya, which was essential for the sustainability of temple land management, cannot be interpreted as a process that institutionalized caste roles, but it is clear that it was an organized process based on technical merit, giving priority to talent and assigning responsibilities. Giving a drum share to a drummer is not a socialization of a caste, but a cultural promotion program that integrated that cultural element with the temple. This study can be used to study how the monk organized the management of temple lands through temple lands to regulate the people for the sustainable management of temple lands and the sustainability of the country.

During the Kandy Kingdom, the land grantor had the opportunity to fulfill the ‘Ishtartha Siddhikariya’ (Ideology) in three ways: labor, materials and wealth. The land grantor enjoying the temple’s Mutthettuwa had to provide the harvest and straw to the temple as a service, which was stated as the official share. The land grantor enjoying this official share owned by the temple had to cultivate the temple land without filling it, and the land grantor had to provide the seed paddy, bullocks, etc. required for cultivating the temple land to the land grantor. The temple itself provided the land grantor with the seed paddy, bullocks, etc. required for cultivating the temple land. Another example is the fact that the land grantor enjoying the official share of the Degaldoruwa temple received seed paddy and bullocks from the temple. Using these resources, the register further states that eight men should be given to the temple to work the 3 amunu of the temple mutthettuwa in Duhuwila and to thresh the grain and deliver it to the granary (Service Tenures Register Vol. I 1872: 546-551). The Praveni register belonging to the Lankatilaka Raja Maha Viharaya also states that the mutthettuwa of the temple should work the ground of one anumu and send the harvest and straw to the granary of the temple (Service Tenures Register vol. I 1872: 236-238). The number of men given to the temple for this service may have been determined based on the amount of property cultivated and this also shows fairness. Since all the facilities required for cultivating the temple land are provided by the temple itself, it is clear about the contribution made by the temple to the development of the rural economy. When compared with the present, it is clear that the role of the monk does not display a responsible organizational process as in the past. The current monk can be seen as isolated in terms of religious duties and has emerged as a group that earns money based on the complexity of needs. It is not possible to be satisfied with the role played by the monk in the temple as a pioneer in social welfare or rural economic development. However, it is clear that the monk in Kandy went beyond the religious role and played a role in rural economic sustainability.

During the Kandy Kingdom period, a portion of land was also allocated for the purpose of guarding the temple in the sustainability of temple land management. The economic sustainability of the village is built through the use of the lands owned by the temple. This makes it clear that protecting the temple, which is a village asset, is a major responsibility of the temple land beneficiaries. During the Kandy Kingdom period, the land beneficiaries who enjoyed temple lands performed the temple guard service as a custom and tradition performed from the heart rather than as a service performed for the enjoyment of the temple lands. Guard service could also be performed as an opportunity to demonstrate their devotion to the Buddha. The daily guard duty performed to protect the temple in their village was described as ‘Mal Mure Panguwa’ (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 16-17). The Praveni register belonging to the Gangarama Viharaya states that starting from the month of Vesak, one must guard the Gangarama Viharaya day and night for 15 consecutive days, one month per mure, in order to enjoy the share of the Siyambala tree plantation. (Service Tenures Register Vol. I,1872: 16-17; Somathilaka 2005. 50-53). accordingly, it can be recognized that the monk had introduced a reasonable program that could be maintained in an organized manner in a way that did not hinder the cultivation of the land while maintaining the guard service throughout the year. The fact that the original share holders should also perform the temple guard service shows that it was considered a noble responsibility of all the communities that enjoy the temple lands. Vihara. It can be thought that the monk and the villagers were connected like links in a chain and made continuous physical and intellectual contributions for sustainable state development. For example, according to the official share record of Degaldorowa Vihara, all 24 watches, including night and day, were performed by the original share holders for the guard service for a month. 86 16 196 166 Feni Lee 6. (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 555; Lawry Gazetteer 2014: 202-203). In the same register, in order to enjoy the share of the Napana watch, the beneficiaries of the temple lands were required to provide a watchman for fifteen days a month, one man at night, one day a week, and one day a week, For example, in 12 shifts of fifteen days each, the following services were to be performed for the enjoyment of the watch portion of the Degaldorowa Viharaya: bringing a flower pot each for the morning and evening tea, sweeping and mowing the lawn, and performing the work assigned by the monk (Gnanavimala 1967 108-110). The monk’s aim in assigning services in this way was to increase the productivity of the labor used in the temple service. The person performing the watch service during the afternoon has the ability to perform services such as mowing the grass and sweeping and cleaning the temple while performing his service. Also, the suggestion to bring a flower pot when coming to the watch service adds religious value to the work performed and motivates the beneficiaries of the temple land to perform that action with purity of mind. It can also be seen as an example of efficient and effective use of human labor.

The official register of the Gangarama Temple states that the temple provided daily rations of porridge in the morning and good rice and fish during the day for the performance of this guard service (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 16-17. Lowry Gazetteer 2014: 104-105). It is clear from this that this service was organized and maintained under a very humane face. The person engaged in guard service stays with the temple throughout the day and if he leaves the temple for food needs, problems arise with the guard service. Therefore, the monk may have entered into a program of providing food from the temple to ensure the effectiveness of the guard work performed and to preserve his physical strength. It is essential that the persons engaged in guard service are in good physical health and physical strength is also essential. Giving a glass of porridge from the temple to the guard in the morning starts a lively and efficient day.The provision of food to the monks also improves the health of the individual and helps to eliminate the concept of poverty in the society. This process is a kind of intervention in the daily food problem faced by a family living in the village. The person engaged in this guard service was not allowed to travel outside the temple during the guard service. The fact that even the monk does not have the right to take the guard out of the temple makes clear the responsibility that existed in this work. ‘The guard is a member who is not on guard when he goes on his journey, but taking him is also a very responsible service,’ says the Degal Doruwa Praveni Rishikesh (Service Tenures Register Vol. II, 1872: 874-875). The effectiveness of the temple guard service can be minimized if the monk takes the guard for his own needs. The effectiveness of the temple guard service is determined by the extent to which the guard stays with the temple.

The temple, while playing a significant role in economic and social development, also makes a formal contribution to cultural promotion. The fact that many skilled craftsmen in the field of art are necessarily associated with the temple also provides support for the promotion of rural art activities. During the Kandy Kingdom period, the Heri Vadana service was provided by the people of the auspicious caste during the religious Theva activities held at the temple as well as during religious festivals organized at the village level. For the promotion of the Heri Vadana service as a cultural element, the temple allocated a portion of land and that portion was mentioned in the official share records as the Perakara Paungua. Pera Paungua (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 27). The head of the drummers is known as Panikki Rala and he also had a separate share (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 228-230). Especially during the Kandy Kingdom period, the service of the auspicious caste for daily and monthly Thetva activities, as well as for processions and special festive occasions, was an essential cultural activity. For example, in order to enjoy the Aruppala Perakara portion of the Gangarama Viharaya in Kandy, it is stated that the beneficiaries of those lands should play the drums every Wednesday of the year at the Mahadana Theva of the Gangarama Viharaya and at the four festivals (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 27; Lowry Gazetteer 2014: 202-203).  By giving this land share to a talented family, it is possible to perform that service more effectively. Accordingly, it is clear that the monk paid special attention to the quality of craftsmanship rather than the caste factor in allocating land shares, and such a positive level could not be seen in the compulsory service duty system. It is also stated that the official would receive a good amount of rice and fish during the Maha Dana time in return for the landowner playing the Heri flute during the four festivals, which shows the monk’s organized effort to perform the relevant service under a more humane face (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 27). In order to enjoy the share, it is stated that a man should be given to beat the drums for three days only throughout the year (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 228-230) and in order to perform that service properly, a meal of rice and fish was provided by the temple every day. This shows that even when the temple land was distributed to the village by the temple head monk, it was done in a systematic manner by identifying individual capabilities. Therefore, temple land services were an organized socio-cultural process that guided the people of the village in the right direction and it clearly contributed to the sustainability of temple management as well as the sustainability of the country. Thus, it is clear how the land-related service system during the Kandy Kingdom period was implemented as a planned process to promote cultural activities and artistic abilities among the people.

In order to lead any country in the world towards sustainable development, it is essential to steer the country in the right direction under an annual work plan. The perahera was a cultural festival that was closely linked to the temple during the Kandy Kingdom period. The services that had to be performed for the enjoyment of the economic generating assets owned by the temple during the Kandy Kingdom period were also seen as perahera services. It is clear that the perahera is an organized program with cultural values, and it is also a crucial milestone in the sustainable economic development process that is seen in the annual work plan built with it. The perahera process of a temple cannot be seen in a narrow way as a process based on traditional folk beliefs, and a clear economic and social development vision can be seen behind it.

The laborer is the one who uses labor for the economic prosperity of a country. The land sharer uses his labor throughout the season to cultivate and enrich the lands owned by a temple. The Yala season is limited to the period from March to September, and the Maha season is limited to the period from October to February. The sharers who start farming on the temple lands during the Yala season use their labor for a complex process from sowing the seeds to bringing the harvest to the warehouse. From March to August, the land sharers work hard to cultivate the land share they have received and provide their labor services for rural economic development and sustainable management. Usually, the harvest of the Yala season is completed by the month of August and the one and a half to two months that follow are a relaxing period when the land sharers live freely. The season can often be seen as a transitional period when landowners prepare for the next Maha season. It is a special situation that temple-related processions are mostly held during this leisurely free time. Especially in Sri Lanka, the Perahera festival held in late August or early September is an important event in terms of temple land and service management. Thus, during the transitional period between the Yala season and the Maha season, the Perahera is held to provide some mental stimulation to the rural people who have worked hard through the Perahera. The Perahera is a collection of many cultures. Drummers, dancers, trumpeters, and tammattams take a temporary break from cultivating the land and bring their artistic talents to one stage, and that stage is the Perahera. Everyone is united in harmony in the artistic expressions of the official participants. Mental happiness, mutual cooperation, religious purity, spiritual discipline, all these are socialized through the procession and there is also a clear promotion of various arts and various professional statuses in the village. The free spirit that arises in the individual mind is also a stimulus that leads a strong and energetic cultivator to the next season. Accordingly, it is clear that the perahera is a cultural festival that builds the sustainability of the economic and social development of the country.

Plan No. 02 – Temple Lands, Perahera Festival and Economic Sustainability

During the Kandy Kingdom period, in addition to labor service, the temple was also provided with opportunities to perform its service by providing animals and materials to the temple. Transportation became a crucial factor in the systematic management of the temple’s needs. In order to maintain Madihe or transportation without any problems, the temple headman worked to connect Muslims and the Karawe caste with the temple during the Kandy Kingdom period. This shows that the temple has also been strategic in using its lands as a medium for social coexistence. Cooperative ties between races are essential for sustainable state development, and the bond that arises through the temple land is also necessary for sustainable temple management. Although the Muslim people of the Kandy Kingdom period did not settle in those areas as permanent residents, they made some contributions to the economic activities by leading a nomadic life. It is said that these Muslims in particular owned a large number of caravans and carts used to transport trade goods. The Karawe caste, who migrated to the Kandy areas from the lower regions, was also a group with economic resources who owned caravans. These groups were also given temple lands and there was a norm at that time that one bull should be given to the temple for every one acre of land. In the services related to the Gangaramaya and Degaldoruwa Rajamaha Viharas, the service included in the share of the herds was to carry paddy and house-building materials from one garden plot to the temple for seven days at a time. Twice a year, a bullock was provided to the temple (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 541-546; Lowry Gazetteer 2014: 104-105). Accordingly, it is clear that the temple lands were used in an organized manner for the renovation and restoration of temples and for the development of rural architecture. These bullocks may have also been used for other transport purposes, such as transporting dried goods to the temple. When mentioning this service, it was clearly stated that a skilled man should be provided to drive the bullock along with the bullock provided to the temple. The expectation was that the required work would be carried out more efficiently and effectively. It is mentioned that in return for the efficient service rendered by him, a rice ration would be provided by the temple every day (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 541-546). That is enough rice for a family for a day. The monk, who shows the way to build economic stability by giving the temple land to the villagers, does not stop there and takes steps to equip the family economically whenever possible. The source of social problems, such as unemployment and poverty in the past state organization is not revealed because the monk acted quickly to organize and manage the temple lands in such a way that the village would have a bright future.

The source makes it clear that the process of handing over bullocks to the temple as a resource necessary for the development of agriculture, which has made the greatest contribution to the sustainable development of the state economy, has also been performed as an honorable service. In addition to the transportation process, the landowners have also taken steps to hand over bullocks to the temple as agricultural resources. It can be studied from the Praveni documents that a land share called ‘Mee Gondena Panguwa’ was allocated for this purpose. In order to enjoy the share of bullocks belonging to the Lankatilaka temple, the temple service was given to the Mutthettuwe C Samat and to trample the leaves. (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 263,348,349). Thus, the monk’s attempt to make animal production a source of income in society in addition to agriculture, is clear. In the past social system, the number of buffaloes owned by a family became an economic measurement factor that determined the wealth of that family. In order to provide five buffaloes to the temple, the person enjoying that land share must have a collection of buffalo resources.  But after giving a bag of paddy seeds to the poor, it is a long-term investment for him. He can get rid of poverty by cultivating the bag of paddy seeds he receives from the temple and using the harvest from it. The Venerable Thero followed such a welfare program for economic development at the rural level. The reference in the story of Chullasetthi Jataka about a poor man who became rich by selling a bee’s nest on the right instructions shows the core system of Buddhist welfarism. Today, the state economy is facing many crises due to welfare services carried out with the expectation of short-term results. The policies followed by the Venerable Thero for social welfare should be taken as an example even for the current welfarism.

Temple land has also been a factor in the development of self-industry in rural society. During the Kandy Kingdom, the caste that provided pottery for temples was known as Badahela and Kumbal. Although they represented one aspect of the caste hierarchy, they performed their services not based on caste but on the technical merits of their lineage. The Kumbal received land from the temple for his professional integrity and occupied an important place in society. He provided his services with professional pride and economic strength. The role of potters engaged in the pottery industry is special in the social stratification of this country.  The reason for obtaining land in the temple is not the increased personal affection for the monk but the technical excellence he shows in performing the relevant service. Therefore, the professional gets the opportunity to provide his service with professional pride and pleasure. It is stated that eight kals of kals should be given to the temple annually as a service in return for enjoying the share of the Thalawatta kalanda of the Gangarama temple (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 4). On the first auspicious day after the Sinhala New Year festival, the resident Sangha is presented with 12 appallas and two pots and appears (Service Tenures Register Vol. I, 1872: 4). It is clear that these items must have been extremely useful in the daily process of preparing alms in the temple. Thus, providing land to the artisans related to pottery production is, on the one hand, a recognition of their service and, on the other hand, it helps to obtain efficient and productive service from them in the process of rural economic development. Through such land allocations, the respective professions are promoted in the society and it also supports rural economic development.

CONCLUSION

From the above, it is clear that temple lands in this country have historically played a crucial role in rural socio-economic development and state stability. By managing agricultural lands, providing social services and acting as political influencers, temples have made significant contributions to the economic, social and political landscapes of their areas. Accordingly, it can be concluded that the management of temple lands during the Kandy Kingdom period went beyond the sustainability of temple administration and had a direct impact on rural socio-economic development as well as state stability.

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