Death Related Rites Unfolded: The Case of the Imilangu of Kalabo and Sikongo Districts of Western Zambia

Death Related Rites Unfolded: The Case of the Imilangu of Kalabo and Sikongo Districts of Western Zambia

Pauline Mileji., And Simakando Silongwa

Faculty Members at Kwame Nkrumah University, Kabwe, Zambia)

          DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.908000302

Received: 29 July 2025; Accepted: 05 August 2025; Published: 08 September 2025

ABSTRACT

Many studies about Barotseland, Imilangu inclusive, in Kalabo and Sikongo Districts of Western Province, Zambia, have been done by different scholars. Prominent among these scholars are Strike, Chondoka, Mainga, Sumbwa, Simakando and others. Of these scholars, no one has systematically elaborated death related rites of the Imilangu. This article thus endevours to fill the vaccum in academic literature on death related rites among the Imilangu in Kalabo and Sikongo Districts of Western Province, Zambia. The study opens with a discussion of the beliefs of the Imilangu about the causes of death. It has been discussed that witchcraft, disgruntled ancestral spirits/evil spirits, disobeying taboos and nature are believed to be the four causes of death in the area. Of the four causes, witchcraft was found to be more pronounced than the other three. The other crucial theme of discussion deals with funeral and burial rites. A detailed discussion has been given to show what happened immediately a person died. Body preparation just after someone died and all the activites that took place before and after burial have explicitly been outlined. Finally, the study has been concluded with a close analysis of the changes that have taken place in funeral and burial processes. In here, it has been observed that the Imilangu have done away with most of the funeral and burial rites that once existed in the area.

Key Words: Imilangu, death, witchcraft, rite, funeral, burial, corpse

INTRODUCTION

Death is understood differently by different people in different societies. The causes of death and where the dead go to are some of the major themes that have been debated by many scholars like Magesa, Strike, Kalusa and Vaughan and others. Death rites, despite having some commonalities in many African societies, differ from one community to the other. Kalusa and Vaughan highlight that Central African belief systems around death were complex and not easily summarized.^[1] Kalusa and Vaughan’s point of view is very true as it is very difficult to have a clear understanding of African belief about death due to their variations. They add that it is important to emphasize that though it is possible to make broad generalisations about death practices in this region, there is also an immense amount of diversity within those practices, and there is no uniform trajectory of change within them.^[2]

Kalusa and Vaughan’s analysis stimulated the researcher to investigate the understanding of the Imilangu about the causes of death. Furthermore, an examination has been done to document funeral practices among the Imilangu. Therefore, the Imilangu’s beliefs about the causes of death, funeral and burial processes are the major themes discussed in this article. Changes that have taken place in funeral and burial rites have thoroughly been examined.

METHODOLOGY

The study was done using various methods and sources in order to come up with the necessary data. Purposive sampling procedure was employed during data collection. The study used qualitative data collection method. Primary data was collected from oral sources who had vital information on death rites of the Imilangu. Ten oral sources (seven males and three females) were interviewed. These were selected from different villages within Imilangu based on recommendations from people who knew them to be rich sources of oral information on the history of Imilangu. Secondary data was collected from different written literature at Kwame Nkrumah University and the University of Zambia (UNZA) libraries. National Archives of Zambia (NAZ) was of help in provision of more primary data. Moreover, internet sources were of great help during data collection.

Causes of death

The Imilangu had their own understanding of the causes of death. Normally, when a person died, people became inquisitive wanting to know the cause of death. Even if death was caused by an accident, questions were raised, “Why did that accident happen? Who caused it? Is it natural or there is someone behind it? Why didn’t it happen to a different person?” These and many other questions were raised by family members during their secret meetings after the death of their relative. For this reason, medicine men were consulted to clear their minds.The Imilangu believed that there were four main causes of death, namely; witchcraft, disgruntled ancestral spirits or evil spirits, disobeying taboos and nature.

Witchcraft (uloci), the practice of magic or sorcery, or the art of using allegedly magical powers, was believed to be the major cause of death among the Imilangu. Kabelenga defines witchcraft as the practice of, and belief in, magical skills and abilities that are able to be exercised by individuals and certain social groups that are intended to hurt.[3] To confirm that witchcraft is real, Udelhoven postulates that:

In Zambia many people speak of witchcraft when bad things happen – not metaphorically, but in a way that suggests concrete, physical encounters. Witchcraft is a fuzzy notion that people process through different images and frameworks (traditional, Christian and Pentecostal, folkloristic, cinematic, etc.).[4]

On the other hand, Kabelenga confirms the existence of witchcraft by stating that, “the concept of witchcraft and the belief in its existence has existed throughout human history. It has been present or central at various times, and in many diverse forms, among different cultures and religions worldwide.”[5] Whenever a person died, before any other cause of death was thought of, the first thing that came to people’s minds as the cause of death was witchcraft. Hall puts it that all around were witches and wizards, visible and invisible, who could cause death or disaster of many kinds.^[6] In a study among the Gogo in Tanzania, Halii stresses that some illnesses were attributed to the actions of witches.^[7] Due to beliefs that whenever a person died he/she had been bewitched, close family members always had private meeting to discuss and then find out the one who had bewitched the deceased. To this effect, Chondoka says, “after the wailing subsided, the male guardians who came from far conferred with their counterparts to discuss the manner in which the deceased died and the person who bewitched him/her.”^[8]

Among the Imilangu, it was beieved that witches and wizards had many tools they used to bewitch people. One of these was a kaliloze. A kaliloze was a witchcraft gun that worked with the aid of magical powers. Human hair and bones, mbenyenge, hot chili, and the spider’s web were some of the parts that were found on a kaliloze. Using magical powers, a kaliloze could kill a person who was very far away from the witch or wizard. Strike observes that, “witchcraft guns are the most prolific tools used in predominantly hunting societies. They are the most feared and therefore the most dangerous ….”^[9] When killing using a kaliloze, the killer mentioned the name of the person to be killed, who was not within the killer’s vicinity, and then commanded the kaliloze to fire at the victim. According to Richard Namenda, as soon as the killer finished saying his/her words, the person to be killed felt some pain on the part of his/her body where the kaliloze entered through. Without a medicine man healing such a person, he/she would die within a short period of time.^[10]

Muyawa and Sipalo of Siondo village in Imilangu were brothers with a kaliloze which worked like a shortgun. The two brothers could be hired within and outside Imilangu to kill people. Strike observed that, “if two men quarrel, one will go to a witch doctor and pay him an agreed price to bewitch his enemy.”^[11] When hired, the brothers first made sure that they identified the house and the position where the bed for the person to be killed was. Having known the position, either one of the two brothers or the one who hired them dug a small hole on the wall where the barrel of gun was to be inserted when shooting at the person to be killed. The one digging the hole did it during the day and made sure that no one saw him/her. In the midst of the night when people were sleeping, the two brothers went to insert the barrel of the gun into the hole that had been dug pointing towards the person to be killed. After inserting the barrel in the hole, the gun was fired.

Muyawa and Sipalo killed many people in Imilangu using their kaliloze. The last person they killed was Ma Lilondo of Ngunji village. Ma Lilondo’s relatives went to report the matter to the Catholic Missionaries who were based at Sihole Mission who in turn reported the matter to the District Commissioners (D.C.) called Brown who was locally known as Kamilatu^[12]. Kamilatu then sent police officers to arrest the two and they were sent to Livingstone Prison where they were given capital punishment. Their kaliloze was kept in Livingstone museum. Kalabo District Note Book confirms the presence of kaliloze guns in the area by stating that, “the investigation into witchcraft in this District commenced as a result of the discovery that two women had been murdered with ‘kaliloze’ guns.”^[13]A serious debate over Muyawa and Sipalo’s kaliloze has been there in Imilangu. Most of the people interviewed stated that this gun was not a real kaliloze because it was using gun powder and it made some loud noise when fired. Others stated that it was a real kaliloze only that it could not kill a person who was not physically there when shooting.

Apart from kaliloze, the other tool used by some witches and wizards to kill people was mbashi. Mbashi was a kind of charm which was put on the footpath to kill someone who walked over it. Depending on the type of mbashi used, some witches and wizards could kill the first person to walk over it whereas others killed the actual person the witch or wizard wanted to kill. Just like a kaliloze, a mbashi that could kill only the person targeted by the owner required that the owner should direct it to kill only the targeted person. This meant that other people could skip over it without any harm. When asked to elaborate on the dangers of mbashi, Namenda stated that mbashi was a dedidly witchcraft tool used by many witches and wizards in Imilangu to kill whoever they wanted.[14]

The use of mbashi was very deadly because at times innocent people (those who were not targeted by the witch or wizard) could die if the owner did not handle it well. For example, in 1943 a man named Kandela Susiku (Shiyuwamangoma) who lived in Sihendo village went to Kwando in Angola where he came back with a mbashi. Kandela was instructed by the one who gave him the mbashi to put it in a tree hallow (lupako) and never to expose it to direct sunlight. He was also told to put it in the direction where the wind was going from the village. Upon his arrival home, Kandela kept it as advised. Unfortunately, the wind blew from where the mbashi was towards the village and a lot of people died. Any person that came in contact with the air contaminated with the mbashi died. Those who survived migrated from Sihendo to other villages. Kandela, the owner of the mbashi, migrated to Shipwele village. Only Muhongo, Munanulo, Makumba and a few others remained in Sihendo village.

Ndambyekela (food poison) was also used in Imilangu by witches and wizards to kill people. A lot of deadly poisons like a crocodile’s brain are used to kill people. Ndambyekela is commonly put in food or beer and whoever takes it dies. Strike observes that, “it is certain that the Barotse, or, rather, the “doctors” have the knowledge of many very effective poisons…. Among other poisons the Barotse prefer to use the dried brain of a crocodile…. The Barotse themselves swear that it is very fatal.”^[15] Strike adds that:

There is naturally much reticence nowadays amongst them to disclose the poisons or their names, but there is one poison that is reputed to take two or three months to kill the person to whom it is administered. The person poisoned is said to feel no effect for two or three days, after which vomiting starts and lasts till death; at the same time the body slowly wastes. This poison is administered in either food or drink….^[16]

Lightning is yet another tool used by witches and wizards to kill the victims. Lightning used for witchcraft is called bula wa katose. This tool (lightning) was commonly used in areas with swampy vegetation, lakes and big rivers. Normal lightning occurs during summer (rain season in Zambia). Witchcraft lightning however can happen at any time. Those with charms for lightning are able to kill someone at any time using lightining. According to Namenda, lightining charms had no season. The owners could use them at any time, even in winter, to clear a person they wanted to kill.[17]

Other than witchcraft, the Imilangu believed in evil spirits as a cause of death. There were many people who died and after consulting a medicine man it was found that they died out of evil spirts. Gehman suggests that, “however inevitable and certain death may be, it usually is thought to be caused by external forces. Therefore, death is followed by thorough investigation as to the cause of death, whether by witchcraft or an evil spirit or a disgruntled ancestral spirit.”^[18] Evil or disgruntled ancestral spirits troubled people a lot. Bad dreams, sicknesses and many other problems were believed to be a manifestation that the village was under the influence of the disgruntled ancestral spirit. According to Richard Namenda, the presence of evil spirits was confirmed when a traditional doctor/healer was consulted and then medication was done to safeguard the people.^[19] Kalusa and Vaughan points out that:

People were fearful of the potential powers of angry, jealous and neglected spirits of the dead to cause illness and death. And they were acutely aware that death could linger if you did not deal with it by carefully performing all the burial rites that would ensure the safe transition of the deceased to the state of ancestor-hood.^[20]

Mwakoi Macknas Sililo supports the view that evil spirits caused death by indicating that, “a lot of people die in Imilangu because of evil spirits. Such spirts are ruthless because they can kill someone at any time.”[21]

The other cause of death according to the beliefs of the Imilangu was disobeying taboos. A lot of taboos were strictly followed in the area. Failure to follow the stipulated taboo resulted into sicknesses, even death. Pelekelo Sitali stated that:

There were a lot of taboos that people needed to follow in Imilangu. Such taboos required strict adherence because if at any point someone didn’t follow, something bad like being sick was the consequence. In some anfortunate circumstances, a person who failed to follow some taboos, other than just being sick, could die.[22]

Pelekelo’s view is supported by International Review of Missions by noting that:

We do not believe in a future hell of any kind, nor do we believe a man’s earthly works survive with him after death to be reckoned with in the spirit world. He knows quite well that he has to pay for his misdeeds in this same world; for breaking taboos, secretly or openly he suffers serious illness, even death.^[23]

As it has been observed above, failure to follow taboos was very serious in Imilangu because a lot of problems, death inclusive, befell people who failed to follow some taboos. Therefore, failure to follow taboos was believed to be one of the causes of death.

Finally, natural death or longevity was also believed to be a cause of death. The death of an old person was considered to be normal because such a one had lived his/her life in full. Therefore, death of an old person was considered a ‘natural death’. The only thing an old person was awaiting for, according to the Imilangu beliefs, was death so as to enable him/her to crossover to the other side of life.^[24] Magesa expounds that:

Longevity is a prized aspect of life. In fact it is seen as a consequence and proof of having lived morally. The death of a young person in battle is understood, but apart from such circumstances, the death of a young is inexplicable tragedy that points to moral disorder in the individual’s life or in society. On the contrary, death in old age is a dignified event.^[25]

As seen by Magesa, an old person’s death in Imilangu was in one way or the other celebrated because it was believed that such a death was inevitable. This was so because such people had lived their lives and that they finally needed to rest. According to Angellina Milelo,

There was no need to mourn unnecessarily if an old person died in any of our villages because these were considered to be heroes who needed to rest. Having lived their life in full was enough testament that they had lived a good life. Therefore, their death was clear evidence that their job on earth had come to an end. No ill feelings or suspicions could be there when such a person died.[26]

Angellina’s view was reinforced by Grace Mutuso who stressed that, “there was less grief when an old person died comapred to the death of a younger one. The reason behind was that an old person died because he/she had done his/her part in the world unlike younger ones who died due to witchcraft.”[27]

Angellina and Grace brought vital information which showed that lonevity was believed to be a cause of death among the Imilangu. This is clear in the sense that both indicate that when an old person died in a village, people automatically knew that their time had come because they had lived their life in full. Therefore, longevity was believed to be a causes of death among the Imilangu.

Funeral and burial rites

Apart from their beliefs on the causes of death, the Imilangu had their own way of handling funerals and burials. In the first place, as soon as a person gave his/her last breath, the people around him/her quickly closed his/her eyes and the knees were bent right up to the chest. The arms were bent at the elbow and the hands covered the eyes. After folding the corpse, it was covered with a litata (blanket made out of animal skin) and then it was put in one of the corners of the house with its head facing west. If the house for the deceased was round, the corpse was pushed towards the wall of the house with the head facing west. All his/her properties were removed from the house. Facing west symbolically marked the end of a person’s life because it was believed that whatever went to the west would never come back. This is the reason why it is not allowed among the Imilangu for someone to sleep with his/her head facing in the western direction. Sleeping with the head facing the west is believed to predict death. In other words, if a person slept with his/her head facing west, it meant someone would soon die in that particular village.

If the one who had died was a child, he/she was buried the same day. However, if it was an adult, burial took place the following day. Some special grass called ndaondao was pound and rubbed on the body of the copse to prevent it from decomposing. The mourning period (tande) in Imilangu was dependent upon the individual’s wealth and age. If, for example, a wealth person died, tande could go for a month or even beyond. On the other hand, when a poor person died tande lasted for two or three weeks only. There was no tande that was held if it was a child who died. From the day a person died, no one was allowed to go to the fields or to have sexual intercourse until tande was over. If anyone did an act which was not permissible during tande, it was believed that another person within the village would die within a short period of time.

During the day of burial, all the children were hidden so that they could not to see the corpse because if they saw it, they would suffer from a disease called kupemuka^[28]. Nevertheless, the children to the deceased were brought outside closer to the corpse and then one of the adults told them the following; “oyu yoihwenu, liwa mwa mufaa, e shingolongoma shinamumini” meaning “this is your father, never look for him, he has been swallowed by a shingolongoma”. Shingolongoma was a symbolic mask which was used to scare children.

A traditional coffin called shaala was made of soft sticks interwoven with fiber. The corpse was wraped with a mat and then put in the shaala. When going to bury, it was not allowed for the corpse to pass through the door of the house where it was kept. Instead, another door was made opposite the original door. This was done because it was believed that if a corpse passed through the original door, another person in the same village would die. On the last day of the funeral, the house for the deceased was demolished. All the poles and grass from the house and the firewood left during the funeral were burnt. Just as it was not allowed for the corpse to pass through the door, it was also believed that if the house for the deceased was not demolished another person was going to die immediately.

When going to the graveyard men carried the corpse, irrespective of the sex of the deceased. Digging of graves was done using mwemba (wooden shovel-like tool) and the soil was taken out using tree barks. The corpse was put down at the graveside and placed in the grave with  the head facing west. Beneath the grave, an extension of a cave (libungu) was made on the surface where the corpse was laid to safeguard it from the weight of the earth. The corpse was put in the libungu so that the earth could not be thrown on the body. The clothes of the deceased were torn and put in the grave under the mat. Two main explanations were behind tearing and putting in the grave the clothes of the deceased. According to Nowanga Muyombo, “it was believed that if people wore the deceased’s clothes, they would be having nightmares associated with the deceased. It was also believed that whoever wore the clothes for the deceased would die within a short period of time.”^[29] During burial a mound of earth was placed over the grave. According to Kennedy Namukulo, “the purpose of putting a mound on the grave was to protect the corpse from being unearthed and eaten by foxes and other wild animals.”^[30]

When burial was done, the party went back home walking in a single queue without looking back. Headman Muhongo stated that if anyone looked back, he/she would die because she would be taken by the person they buried.^[31] When going back home, a relative to the deceased got some tree branches which he/she pulled down to cover all the foot prints for the people that had gone for burial. After the footprints were covered by pulling the tree branch, in case someone’s footprints were found anywhere near the graveyard, the owner of the footprints would be called a witch or wizard. Before reaching home, the party passed through a well or a depression with water where everybody was required to wash their hands. Next to the village, grass and leaves were burnt so that all those that had gone for the burial would pass through the smoke from the burnt grass and leaves. According to Patron Mungela, people washed their hands and passed through the smoke to cleanse themselves so that they do not die.^[32] The aspect of washing hands also symbolised washing away or completely leaving the dead so that people were safe from death. Family members also underwent purification using some herbs socked in water. According to Strike,

Each person was required to dip his/her hands in the medicine and then rub the medicine on the body. On the path outside the village a small fire is made and the whole party, men and women, have to leap over the fire as a form of purification. They then assemble at the deceased person’s house and mourn. The mourning lasts for three or four days, and consists of sitting round the deceased’s house and wailing. After the mourning is finished the whole party wash in special medicines.^[33]

Graveyards were highly revered among the Imilangu. For instance, it was not allowed for anyone to point at the graveyard using his/her fingers. Instead, the mouth or elbow were used because it was believed that if one used his finger to point at the graveyard, it would be cut off on its own. It was a taboo for a person to pass through the graveyard. It was believed that if a person did so he/she would fall sick and eventually die. To show how sacred they were, graveyards were put in the bush far away from the village. According to Richard Namenda, “if people were chasing an animal and then it passed through the graveyard, the ones chasing it knew that the animal would soon be killed.”^[34] This confirms how sacred grave yards were among the Imilangu.

Changes in funeral and burial rites

A number of changes have been witnessed in the funeral rites and practices among the Imilangu. To start with, due to economic challenges, tande is now done in three or four days. This is because it is very difficult to accommodate and feed a lot of people if tande is to go on for a month or so. Furthermore, unlike it was in the olden days, children are no longer hidden or restricted from seeing a corpse. They are now free to attend burial without any reservations. The other vital change that has taken place is that children are no longer shown their deceased father/mother before going to the burial place. Neither are they told that their parent has been swallowed by a shingolongoma. It is also cardinal to mention that corpses are now passed through the door without creating a new one. Namenda Nawa pointed out that:

A lot of changes have taken place in the manner funerals and burials are now conducted in our area. When we were still young, it was strictly not allowed for us to see a corpse because it was believed that if we did so we would be sick and eventually die. However, in the modern world even a baby can see a corpse. Our tradition has been usurped by civilisation.^[35]

Moreover, it is no longer mandatory that the house for the deceased should be demolished. It is up to the relatives to the deceased to decide whether the the house should be demolished or not. Houses are in most cases not demolished if the deceased left a spouse and children. To add on, with the availability of iron tools, digging and removing of the soil from the grave is now done using shovels and hoes and not mwemba and tree barks. It is also vital to mention that the clothes for the deceased are no longer buried with him/her. Instead, they are given to his/her children and relatives. Namenda Nawa observed that:

There is no reason to demolish a deceased’s house in our modern world. Children and their mother need to have shelter when their father is dead. If children agree with their mother that they do not want to be seeing the house so that they do not remember their father, it is up to them to decide to destroy the house. Family members have no right to use tradition to demolish a deceased’s house.^[36]

Some practices related to burial and burial sites have also drastically changed. For instance, when burial is done, the party does not go back home walking in a single queue and without looking back. People are free to pass anywhere and look backwards at any time. Furthermore, When going back home, there is no one who gets a tree branch to pull down to clear the foot prints for the people that went for the burial. Also, there is no passing through a well or depression to wash hands after burial. Only those who touched shovels when burying wash their hands in a basin to remove dirty as they reach home. No fire is lit to purify people through the smoke. Other taboos like not being allowed to point at the graveyard using a finger, or not being allowed to pass through the graveyard are all done away with. Commenting on the changes that have taken place on how funerals are handled, Mushiba Silenga stated that, “most of the beliefs that people followed in the past when a person died have been done away with. People have discovered that they were cheated and that nothing would happen if one did not follow the taboos that people followed long ago.”^[37]

CONCLUSION

This article is an elaboration on the beliefs of the Imilangu on death. The first part dealt with the causes of death. Uuloci (witchcraft), the practice of magic or sorcery, or the art of using allegedly magical powers, was believed to be the major cause of death. Tools used by witches to kill people were examined. Apart from witchcraft, evil spirits, disobeying taboos and natural death or longevity were also believed to be causes of death among the Imilangu. After assessing the causes of death, the research further went to deal with funeral and burial rites where it was discovered that the Imilangu had their own way, different from other ethnic groups within the area, of handling funerals and burials. The process of preparing the body for burial has been well explained. Further, funeral and burial rites practiced in Imilangu have been examined. Finally, changes in funeral and burial rites among the Imilangu have concluded the paper. Here it was observed that due to economic challenges, tande (mourning period) was done in three or four days because of the cost assorted with funerals. In addition, children were no longer hidden or restricted from seeing a corpse the way it  used to be in the olden days. The other vital change discussed in the paper was that children were no longer shown their deceased parent before going for burial. Moreover, they were no longer told that their parent had been swallowed by a shingolongoma.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Oral Interviews

1. Milelo Angellina, Mutoi Village, 17^th July, 2018.
2. Mungela Patson, Lulang’unyi Village, 8^th July, 2018
3. Mutuso Grace, Mutoi Village, 21^st May, 2016.
4. Mutuso Moses (Headman Muhongo), Sihendo Village, 4^th July, 2018.
5. Muyombo Nowanga, Ng,uma Village, 15^th July, 2018.
6. Mwakoi Macknas Sililo, Lulang’unyi, 18^th June, 2018.
7. Namenda Richard, Sihendo Village, 17^th June, 2018.
8. Namukulo Kennedy, Misiki Village, 3^rd December, 2016.
9. Silenga Mushiba, Lyasimu Village, 30^th November, 2019.
10. Sitali Pelekelo, Kalabo Boma, 21^st June, 2018.

National Archives of Zambia

1. NAZ, KSH 2/1, Kalabo District Note Book, Vol. I., 1906-1913.

Journals

2. An African, ‘The Religion of my Father’s’, International Review of Missions, 19 (1990), p. 362.
3. Kabelenga Isaac, ‘Consequences of Accusing Older People of Practicing Witchcraft on Local Communities: Empirical Evidence From Rural and Urban Zambia’, Exlibris Social Gerontology Journal, Vol. 18, No. 1, (2020), p. 52.

Dissertations

1. Halii Beatrice, ‘Colonial Public Health Campaigns and Local Perceptions of Illness: Case Study of the Gogo of Mpwapwa District, Central Tanzania, 1920-1950s’, MA. Dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam, 2007.

Secondary Sources

2. Chondoka Y., A History of the Tumbuka and Senga in Chama District, 1470 to 1900. Lusaka: Academic Press, 2007.
3. Gehman, J. Richard, African Traditional Religion in Biblical Perspectives. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers Ltd., 2000.
4. Hermen Kroesbergen, Johanneke Kroesbergen – Kamps and Philipp Öhlmann (Eds.), The Grammar of the Spirit World in Pentecostalized Africa. Münster: Global Book Marketing, 2024.
5. Kalusa, T. Walima, and Vaughan Megan, Death, Belief and Politics in Central African History. Lusaka: Lemban Trust, 2013.
6. Strike D.W., Barotseland: Eight Years among the Barotse. New York: Negro University Press, 1969.

FOOTNOTE

[1] Walima, T. Kalusa and Megan Vaughan, Death, Belief and Politics in Central African History (Lusaka: Lemban Trust, 2013), p. 20.

[2] Kalusa and Vaughan, Death, Belief and Politics in Central African History, p. xiii.

[3] Isaac Kabelenga, ‘Consequences of accusing older people of practicing witchcraft on local communities: empirical evidence from rural and urban Zambia’, Exlibris Social Gerontology Journal, Vol. 18, No. 1, (2020), p. 52.

[4] Bernhard Udelhoven, ‘Witchcraft is Real’, in Kroesbergen Hermen, Kroesbergen Johanneke – Kamps and Öhlmann Philipp (Eds.), The Grammar of the Spirit World in Pentecostalized Africa (Münster: Global Book Marketing, 2024), p. 53.

[5] Kabelenga, Exlibris Social Gerontology Journal, Vol. 18, No. 1, (2020), p. 52.

[6] Hall, Zambia, p. 98.

[7] Beatrice Halii, ‘Colonial Public Health Campaigns and Local Perceptions of Illness: Case Study of the Gogo of Mpwapwa District, Central Tanzania, 1920-1950s’, MA. Dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam, 2007, p. 20.

[8] Chondoka, A History of the Tumbuka and Senga, p.105.

[9] Strike, Barotseland, p. 31.

[10] Interview with Richard Namenda on 17^th June, 2018.

[11] Strike, Barotseland, pp. 119-120.

[12] The word Kamilatu is Lozi which means one who gives offences to others. The DC was nicknamed Kamilatu by the people because he was good at punishing offenders.

[13] NAZ, KSH 2/1, Kalabo District Note Book, Vol. I., 1906-1913.

[14] Interview with Richard Namenda on 17^th June, 2018.

[15] Strike, Barotseland, p. 129.

[16] Strike, Barotseland, p. 129.

[17] Interview with Richard Namenda on 17^th June, 2018.

[18] Gehman, African Traditional Religion in Biblical Perspectives, p. 54.

[19] Interview with Richard Namenda on 17^th June, 2018.

[20] Kalusa and Vaughan, Death, Belief and Politics in Central African History, p. 20.

[21] Interview with Macknas Mwakoi Sililo on 18^th June, 2018.

[22] Interview with Pelekelo Sitali on 21^st June, 2018.

[23] An African, ‘The Religion of my Father’s’, International Review of Missions, 19 (1990), p. 362.

[24] Interview with Richard Namenda on 17^th June, 2018.

[25] Magesa, African Religion, p. 144.

[26] Interview with Angellina Milelo on 17^th July, 2018.

[27] Interview with Grace Mutuso on 21^st May, 2016.

[28] Kupemuka was a disease like High Blood Pressure (HBP) which made a person to have serious heart problems and then finally run mad.

[29] Interview with Nowanga Muyombo on 15^th July, 2018.

[30] Interview with Kennedy Namukulo on 3^rd December, 2016.

[31] Interview with Moses Mutuso (Headman Muhongo) on 4^th July, 2018.

[32] Interview with Patson Mungela on 8^th July, 2018.

[33] Strike, Barotseland, pp. 67-68

[34] Interview with Richard Namenda on 18^th July, 2018.

[35] Interview with Namenda Nawa on 5^th December, 2018.

[36] Interview with Namenda Nawa on 5^th December, 2018.

[37] Interview with Mushiba Silenga on 30^th November, 2019.