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Gender-Based Violence and the Reintegration Challenges of Ethiopian Women Returnee Migrants from Saudi Arabia: In Case of Woldia City, Northern Ethiopia

  • Muluneh Demissie Sisay
  • 3293-3303
  • Sep 6, 2025
  • Education

Gender-Based Violence and the Reintegration Challenges of Ethiopian Women Returnee Migrants from Saudi Arabia: In Case of Woldia City, Northern Ethiopia

*Muluneh Demissie Sisay

Woldia University, Sociology Department, Woldia Ethiopia

*Corresponding Author

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.908000267

Received: 13 August 2025; Accepted: 21 August 2025; Published: 06 September 2025

ABSTRACT

This study explores the lived experiences of Ethiopian women returnee migrants from Saudi Arabia, with a specific focus on the multifaceted forms of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) they endured in Saudi Arabia and how this trauma affected their reintegration process in Woldia city. Drawing on trauma-informed and intersectionality frameworks, the research analyzes qualitative data from individual interviews and focus group discussions to reveal the structural, emotional, and psychological dimensions of GBV, as well as the systemic failures in reintegration programming. The findings show that returnees experienced widespread physical, emotional, and sexual abuse exacerbated by the kafala system, racial discrimination, and legal precarity in KSA. Upon returning, women often encountered stigma, social isolation, broken family ties, and limited access to economic opportunities or psychological support. Reintegration programs in Ethiopia were found to be inadequate, largely focusing on vocational training while neglecting the critical need for psychosocial and trauma-responsive care. The study underscores the urgent necessity for comprehensive, culturally sensitive, and gender-responsive reintegration frameworks that account for the layered vulnerabilities of GBV survivors. It calls for a paradigm shift in policy and practice to ensure the dignity, safety, and recovery of returnee women.

Keywords: Gender-Based Violence, Ethiopian Returnees, Migrant Workers, Saudi Arabia, Reintegration, Trauma, intersectionality, domestic work.

INTRODUCTION

Gender-Based Violence (GBV) is a problem affecting migrant women globally (UN Women, 2021). Women from Ethiopia who migrate to and from Saudi Arabia face discriminating risks of different types of GBV during their migration experience (Graham, 2020; Gebre, 2021), where they face significant risks of exploitation and violence (Amnesty International, 2020; Fufa, 2022).

Many research pieces have indicated  the physical, psychological, and sexual abuse encountered by Ethiopian migrant women in Saudi Arabia, both during their journey and while employed there (UN Women, 2021; Amnesty International, 2020). These women encounter not only violence from employers and individuals in their communities but also considerable institutional and systemic obstacles that impede their capacity to pursue justice or safety (Berg, 2019; IOM, 2020). Their susceptibility to GBV is intensified by biased policies, insufficient legal protections, and socio-cultural factors that enable ongoing exploitation (Girma, 2021; Wondimu, 2021). The incidence of gender-based violence (GBV) among Ethiopian women migrants is alarmingly significant, with reports showing extensive exploitation, such as forced labor, sexual violence, physical mistreatment, and emotional coercion (Ayalew, 2020; Wondimu, 2021).

As per the International Labour Organization (ILO, 2021), domestic workers, especially women from Ethiopia, are greatly impacted by GBV, but their experiences frequently go unreported due to fear of backlash, isolation, and insufficient legal protection in host countries (ILO, 2021). Additionally, a study conducted by the Ethiopian Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (2020) highlights the severe physical and psychological trauma faced by Ethiopian migrant women when they come back from Saudi Arabia. The ministry’s findings underscore the difficulties in reintegration due to the lasting effects of GBV, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety (Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs, 2020; UNHCR, 2021). Although there is substantial evidence indicating the incident of GBV in migration, limited research examines how the trauma from this violence hinders the reintegration process, impacting women’s social, emotional, and economic welfare upon their return to Ethiopia (Girma, 2021; Fufa, 2022). The reintegration journey for these women is frequently full of obstacles, such as stigma, trauma, and financial difficulties, which ultimately impede their capacity to achieve social stability and find a significant role in society (Berg, 2019; Harris, 2021). Additionally, returnees encounter obstacles in obtaining social services, legal assistance, and economic prospects, which intensify their vulnerability (UNHCR, 2021).

Research indicates that societal stigma regarding migration and the view of migrant women as victims of abuse frequently result in their marginalization and exclusion from reintegration initiatives (Graham, 2020; Thomas, 2022). This study aims to fill an important gap in understanding the impact of GBV on the reintegration of Ethiopian women returnee migrants into their local communities (Haddis, 2021).

Problem Statement

The moving of Ethiopian women to Saudi Arabia for jobs, especially in domestic work, has resulted in significant research stressing extensive exploitation and gender-based violence (Berg, 2019; Wondimu, 2021; Fufa, 2022). These women encounter systemic violence, comprising physical, psychological, and sexual abuse, both in their migration journey and in the country they arrive in (Amnesty International, 2020; ILO, 2020). In Saudi Arabia, domestic workers, especially Ethiopian women, face various types of abuse as employers frequently take advantage of their authority over workers due to insufficient legal safeguards and enforcement measures as well as the kafala system (UN Women, 2021; Graff, 2019).

Recent reports indicate a troubling trend of violence against Ethiopian women in Saudi Arabia, where victims have described experiences of torture, sexual exploitation, verbal abuse, and psychological manipulation (Amnesty International, 2020; Graham, 2020; ILO, 2020). Although there is extensive documentation of these experiences, there has been scarce research on how GBV affects the reintegration of returning Ethiopian women migrants into their society (UNHCR, 2021; Wondimu, 2021). Recent reports from the International Organization for Migration (IOM, 2020) and UNHCR (2021) indicate that numerous women encounter hardships upon returning, struggling with the trauma and mental scars resulting from their experiences of GBV. The impact of GBV trauma can appear in numerous ways, including depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which subsequently influences women’s capacity to reintegrate socially and economically into their communities (Fufa, 2022; Graham, 2020). Girma’s research (2021) confirmed that the psychological impact of violence frequently hinders these women from pursuing jobs, leading to a cycle of poverty and reliance. Moreover, many women who return face stigma and rejection upon their arrival, stemming not only from the violence they have suffered but also from the adverse perceptions linked to their migration experiences (Haddis, 2021; Tesfaye, 2020; Berhane, 2021). According to research by the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (2021), numerous returnee women face social exclusion, restricting their access to support systems and continuing their marginalization within their communities. Although there is increasing evidence about the psychological and social effects of GBV on migrant women, there has been limited research investigating the particular impediments to reintegration that these women encounter upon their return to Ethiopia (Wondimu, 2021; Gebre, 2021). For instance, studies by Wondimu (2021) and Gebre (2021) outline the financial challenges that returnee women encounter, as they frequently struggle to find consistent work, a situation that can be worsened by the mental impact of GBV (Fufa, 2022; Girma, 2021). Additionally, the Ethiopian government’s reintegration initiatives have faced criticism for their inadequacy and for not meeting the specific needs of women who encountered GBV while migrating (UN Women, 2020; Fufa, 2022; Harris, 2021).

Despite attempts by entities like the International Organization for Migration (IOM, 2020) and the Ethiopian Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (2021), returning women frequently encounter inadequate support networks and insufficient psychosocial services to aid in their recovery from the trauma they endured. This paper focuses on the various forms of GBV experienced by Ethiopian women returnee migrants from Saudi Arabia, and how this violence affects their social, emotional, and economic reintegration upon return.

Research Questions

  • What are the forms of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) experienced by Ethiopian women domestic workers in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia?
  • How does the trauma of GBV affect the social, and economic reintegration of women returnee migrants into their communities upon return?

Theoretical Framework

The research paper employs an intersectionality  and trauma-informed theoretical approaches to understand the complex experiences of Ethiopian women migrants and returnees from Saudi Arabia. From an intersectional perspective, the physical violence experienced by Ethiopian women varies based on their immigration, socio-economic status, and resource availability. Similarly, their susceptibility to emotional abuse is intensified by their unstable legal standing, particularly for those who are undocumented or dependent on restrictive sponsorship (kafala) frameworks that hinder them from escaping abusive employers. This structural reliance deepens their mental anguish and limits their possibilities for seeking remedies. Besides A trauma-informed theoretical framework is also crucial and employed for this research on Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and the reintegration challenges of Ethiopian women returnee migrants from Saudi Arabia.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Research Area Description: Woldia City, Northern Ethiopia

Woldia is a major urban center located in the North Wollo Zone of the Amhara Regional State in northern Ethiopia. Geographically positioned along the main corridor connecting Addis Ababa to Mekelle, Woldia serves as both a transportation hub and a commercial gateway between the northern and central parts of the country. The city is situated at an altitude of approximately 2,100 meters above sea level and enjoys a temperate climate. As of recent estimates, Woldia has a total population of around 150,000 residents, with a nearly even gender distribution. The majority of the population identifies as Amhara, and Amharic is the dominant language spoken. Woldia’s population structure is relatively young, with a large proportion of residents under the age of 30. This demographic trend has fueled both internal migration to urban centers and international labor migration, particularly to the Middle East.

Socioeconomically, Woldia is characterized by a growing but uneven urban development. While the city hosts educational institutions, government offices, and a modest industrial base, a large portion of the population is engaged in informal employment, petty trade, and agriculture in peri-urban areas. High levels of youth unemployment and limited access to higher education or vocational training have contributed to significant out-migration, particularly among young women seeking domestic work opportunities abroad, primarily in Gulf countries such as Saudi Arabia.

Culturally, Woldia retains strong patriarchal and conservative social norms, especially regarding gender roles, sexuality, and family honor. These norms influence public perception of returnee women, particularly those who have worked abroad. Migrant women returning from the Gulf often face stigmatization and social exclusion, exacerbated by suspicions of having been involved in morally questionable work or having failed to remit sufficient income. This environment presents unique challenges to reintegration, especially for survivors of gender-based violence (GBV), who must navigate not only personal trauma but also community-level judgment and limited institutional support.

Research Design and sampling

The study utilizes a qualitative methodology, specifically incorporating a phenomenological research design and employing purposive sampling techniques (Creswell & Poth, 2018; Patton, 2015). A phenomenological research design is employed to thoroughly investigate the “lived experiences” of Ethiopian women migrants and returnees, with a particular emphasis on Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and their reintegration difficulties in Woldia . It seeks to uncover the shared meanings and structures of these experiences, moving beyond mere descriptions to explore the deeper impact and perceptions (Moustakas, 1994; van Manen, 1990). Purposive sampling is chosen to select participants who are most knowledgeable about or have direct experience with the phenomenon being studied. This allows the researcher to gather rich, in-depth information from individuals who can provide valuable insights into the research questions. In the context of this study, it would involve selecting Ethiopian women returnees from Saudi Arabia who have experienced GBV and are undergoing reintegration challenges, as well as key informants who have expertise on these issues (Palinkas et al., 2015; Patton, 2015).

Data collection Methods and sources

The study utilized a combination of primary and secondary data collection, although the initial methodology section primarily discusses secondary sources. However, the later statement about interviews and focus groups clarifies the primary data collection (Creswell & Poth, 2018).  A total of thirty four research participants were involved in this research. The semi-structured format provides participants to share their narratives freely and in detail. 10 informants were selected for the semi structured interview. This method is particularly effective for understanding sensitive and personal topics like GBV and trauma (Dicicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). Besides, Key informant interviews are conducted with individuals who possess specialized knowledge or expertise relevant to the study. This could include NGO workers, social workers, government officials, legal professionals, or community leaders involved in supporting returnee migrants or addressing GBV. A total of 8 key informants were selected purposively  Furthermore, Focus group discussions allow for the exploration of shared experiences and collective perspectives among returnee women. two sessions was organized and each  Group discussions can illuminate shared challenges in social reintegration like stigma and family rejection, emotional struggles such as PTSD, anxiety, and depression, and economic difficulties like lack of vocational training and debt. ). Thematic analysis is employed in this research.

Analysis

This section presents the findings on the lived experiences of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) among Ethiopian women returnee migrants from Saudi Arabia. It explores the two specific objectives through the lens of trauma-informed and Intersectionality theoretical approaches.

Forms of Gender-Based Violence Experienced by Returnee Migrants

The research participants pointed out that among the various types of GBV faced by Ethiopian women migrants in Saudi Arabia, physical abuse stands out as one of the most common.

Physical Abuse

Many returnees report undergoing severe beatings, forced confinement, and physical punishment from their employers and other household members, often justified as a means of disciplining workers or ensuring compliance (Girma, 2021; ILO, 2021). A study conducted by the International Organization for Migration (IOM, 2020) found that nearly 60% of Ethiopian domestic workers in Gulf States, including Saudi Arabia, experienced physical violence, with many suffering from chronic physical injuries. Additionally, a report from the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2021) revealed that more than 40% of women returning from Saudi Arabia faced some form of physical violence, including being slapped, punched, kicked, or subjected to torture. Physical abuse often occurred alongside different forms of mistreatment, such as starvation, sleep deprivation, and forced labor in severe conditions.

The key informants reported being restricted to rooms for extended periods or being denied medical assistance following their injuries. The fear of retaliation, combined with the lack of legal protections for migrant domestic workers under the kafala system, prevented many people from seeking help or attempting to escape abusive work environments (ILO, 2021). From an intersectional viewpoint, Ethiopian women encounter physical violence differently depending on factors like their immigration status, socio-economic standing, and access to resources. Additionally, from a trauma-informed perspective, the physical abuse suffered by these women leads to lasting psychological and physical repercussions, including chronic pain, mobility issues, and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Moreover, individuals who have experienced intense physical maltreatment often demonstrate heightened anxiety, depression, and suicidal ideation, making their reintegration into Ethiopian society more challenging (UNHCR, 2021; Wondimu, 2021)

Emotional Abuse

Key informants and focus group participants noted that emotional abuse was a prevalent form of GBV they experienced, including verbal mistreatment, humiliation, and emotional manipulation. This included being called derogatory names, having their self-esteem constantly diminished, and being isolated from colleagues or relatives. Many returnee women reported facing emotional manipulation, such as threats of deportation, wage withholding, or false theft allegations if they did not comply with their employers’ unfair requests (Girma, 2021; Fufa, 2022). Moreover, the study participants indicated that psychological abuse often acted as a way to establish dominance and control over Ethiopian women migrant laborers.

A report by the International Labour Organization (ILO, 2021) reveals that domestic workers in Saudi Arabia, particularly those from African countries, frequently face extended working hours, disconnection from their families, and psychological manipulation (ILO, 2021). This seclusion and emotional abuse caused considerable pain, leading many women to show symptoms of depression and contemplate self-harm (MoWCA, 2020; UNHCR, 2021).The following story of a participant could strengthen this idea:

“…The scorching sun of Saudi Arabia was suffocating, an unyielding emblem of my anguish. I left Ethiopia brimming with hope, only to realize I was trapped. My supervisor, Madam Khadija, started off with compassion, but that facade quickly shattered. The relentless work was exhausting, yet it was her remarks that truly broke me. She called me “stupid” and “useless,” diminishing my self-worth until I barely recognized myself. The worst moment occurred when she threatened to accuse me of theft and have me deported if I spoke to other Ethiopian maids, severing my only connection. My minimal income was consistently restrained, constantly paired with feeble reasoning, and I couldn’t object, fearing her warnings. After a relentless shift, I fell to the ground, where she loomed over me, ridiculing me as a “shame” and a “burden” to my family. The emotional anguish, continual humiliation, and constant fear of baseless accusations inflicted wounds far deeper than any physical injury, leaving me a hollow shell of who I once was.” (sara)

The story of Sara confirms the various forms of emotional abuse committed by domestic workers and how it affects the socio-economic reintegration process of returnee migrants. Additionally, a study by the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (2021) revealed that returning women frequently showed indications of multifaceted trauma stemming from extended periods of verbal and emotional mistreatment. From a trauma-informed viewpoint, psychological abuse is extremely harmful, as it leads to lasting mental health issues like depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The emotional wounds from these experiences frequently remain long after the physical wounds have healed, making it difficult for them to reintegrate and hindering their chances of finding work or rebuilding social connections.

Sexual Violence

Sexual violence ranked as one of the most alarming forms of GBV reported by Ethiopian women returnee migrants during their travels to and from Saudi Arabia. Women who returned shared their experiences of rape, sexual coercion, and harassment by their employers, recruitment agents, and occasionally law enforcement officials. Studies indicate that the power imbalance between employers and domestic workers, combined with the restrictive kafala (sponsorship) system, heightens their vulnerability to sexual violence (ILO, 2021). Within this system, workers are legally bound to their employers, making it almost impossible for them to leave hostile work conditions without facing the threat of detention or deportation (Amnesty International, 2020). The following narration by the research participant could strengthen this:

“I was raped by my employer while working abroad, a traumatic experience that left me physically and emotionally scarred. I became pregnant as a result, carrying not only a child but the weight of deep shame, fear, and confusion. When I was finally deported and returned home, I hoped for some relief, but instead, I faced harsh judgment and rejection. People didn’t ask what had happened or offer support they simply labeled me. I was called a “prostitute,” a “disgrace,” and a “failed girl.” The very community I longed for turned against me, adding another layer of pain to an already unbearable trauma. Instead of compassion, I received condemnation. The stigma isolated me, making it hard to find work, friendship, or even basic dignity. I was seen as someone who had brought shame, not as someone who had survived abuse. Their words cut deep, leaving invisible wounds that have yet to heal. I carry this pain every day,not just from what happened abroad, but from the cruelty I faced when I came home.”

An annual Research based report by Human Rights Watch (2020) revealed that Ethiopian migrant domestic workers in Saudi Arabia frequently face sexual violence and have limited access to justice. Besides, numerous individuals stated that they were confined within their employers’ residences, where they faced ongoing abuse but were unable to ask for assistance because their passports and communication devices had been taken away by the Kafala System (HRW, 2020). Moreover, the occurrence of sexual violence during transit is also thoroughly recorded (Gebre, 2021; IOM, 2020). Similarly, Kebede (2020) found that women expelled from Saudi Arabia often endure further sexual violence in detention centers before being sent back to Ethiopia. In addition, numerous repatriated women experience significant psychological effects due to sexual violence. Nevertheless, owing to cultural stigma and victim-blaming in Ethiopia, numerous returnee women refrain from sharing their experiences or seeking psychological assistance, apprehensive about being ostracized by their families and communities (Tesfaye, 2020; Berhane, 2021).

The Impact of GBV Trauma on the Reintegration Process

The research participants in individual and Focus Group Discussion sessions affirmed that the most traumatic life experience they faced in Saudi Arabia posed a challenge in the social and economic reintegration of returning migrants. Moreover, this research shows that numerous women face social exclusion when they return, due to the stigma associated with being victims of abuse, especially in instances of sexual violence. Society frequently tends to blame women for their victimization, perceiving them as “unsuccessful.” This culture of victim-blaming significantly affects their ability to reconnect with family and community ties, leading to emotional distress and heightened marginalization.

Stigmatization and Gendered Expectations

The stigma originates from entrenched patriarchal values that regard women’s purity and honor as vital to the reputation of family and community. The Focus group discussants mentioned that people in the study area view migrant women, particularly those returning from the Gulf, as “infected” because of their interactions with foreign cultures and employment in domestic roles where they faced exploitation risks. In addition, women returning home from Saudi frequently face gossip, social exclusion, and challenges in finding marriage prospects because of perceptions regarding their time spent abroad.

Breaking of Family and Community Connections

Research conducted by the Ethiopian Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (2020) revealed that many returning women encounter challenges in reconnecting with their families, particularly when their migration resulted in not being able to send money back or return with economic successes. This economic downturn heightens social exclusion, as families often view these women as liabilities rather than survivors of trauma (ILO, 2021). Some women face total abandonment by their families due to the stigma associated with their migration experiences, resulting in homelessness or precarious living situations (UNHCR, 2021; Berhane, 2021). A source indicated that: “At first, my family received me back home. Yet, once they understood I had come back without money, their demeanor shifted. Their expectations did not match the challenging situations I had faced.

Through an intersectionality lens, these issues are interconnected and intensified by aspects like socioeconomic status, rural or urban upbringing, and religious convictions. Rural returnees, for instance, encountered greater stigma and isolation, since small communities typically uphold traditional norms more rigorously. Likewise, single mothers or women with children conceived through sexual violence encounter more discrimination and face greater challenges in reintegrating (Tesfaye, 2020).

Limited Social Support and Reintegration Programs

The lack of effective social reintegration programs worsens these issues. Even though local government officials asserted that they tried their hardest to reintegrate the returnees, the researcher’s personal observations revealed that the reintegration process and support systems were ineffective. Numerous initiatives fail to effectively address the particular issues faced by survivors of GBV (IOM, 2020; UN Women, 2021). The study subjects indicate that many reintegration initiatives focus on vocational training but fail to provide sufficient psychological and social assistance for survivors of violence. Without comprehensive trauma-informed services, many women struggle with PTSD, depression, and anxiety, which in turn hinders their ability to participate in economic activities or rebuild social networks (Fufa, 2022). Furthermore, the trauma-informed approach suggests that survivors of GBV require safe settings, therapeutic therapy, and community support systems to facilitate lasting recovery. Despite this, mental health services remain largely inaccessible, particularly for returnees in rural areas. Insufficient psychosocial support fosters exclusionary actions and increases the likelihood of re-migration in desperate and dangerous conditions (Wondimu, 2021).

Reintegration and Trauma

The emotional reintegration of Ethiopian women returnee migrants is profoundly affected by the psychological trauma they experience from Gender-Based Violence (GBV). Numerous returning women face persistent nightmares, flashbacks, and heightened awareness, which interferes with their capacity to participate in everyday activities. Psychological stress is also evident through physical symptoms like persistent pain, headaches, and gastrointestinal issues, which additionally hinder their capacity to work and reestablish social connections. Additionally, numerous women face feelings of guilt and self-accusation, particularly if they come back without achieving financial success. Because of societal norms suggesting that migration should result in improved social status, women who come back bearing physical and mental scars instead of financial benefits frequently experience considerable anguish. These emotions are intensified by societal stigma, where women who return are occasionally branded as “failures” or, in worst-case scenarios, as “immoral” due to their experiences of sexual violence (Wondimu, 2021; Tesfaye, 2020). Monica’s story reinforces this concept:

“I traveled abroad for work, hoping to support my family and build a better future. But my dreams turned into a nightmare when my employer raped me. I became pregnant, trapped in fear, silence, and shame. There was no one to protect me, and nowhere to turn for help. Eventually, I was deported back home, carrying both a child and a heavy heart. I thought I’d find comfort and understanding from my community. Instead, I was met with cruel words and cold stares. They called me a “prostitute,” a “disgrace,” and a “failed girl.”

Economic Reintegration and Dependency

Economic reintegration is one of the most pressing issues for Ethiopian women coming back from Saudi Arabia. Many returning women encounter difficulties in rejoining the workforce due to trauma-related concerns such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety, which hinder their ability to obtain stable employment or engage in income-generating activities. Additionally, numerous Ethiopian returnees in the study region cannot enter the workforce because of deteriorating mental and physical well-being, leading to extended unemployment and financial instability. In addition to psychological trauma, structural barriers contribute to the development of economic dependency. Many returnee women lack access to vocational training or economic reintegration programs, limiting their ability to attain stable employment (ILO, 2021). Furthermore, the social stigma linked to migration impacts economic reintegration. Ethiopian women who return are often seen as “failed migrants” or as people with “compromised morality,” affecting their chances of securing employment. In Ethiopia, women returning from abroad frequently encounter bias from employers due to perceptions that they engaged in exploitative or unlawful actions while overseas. Despite the efforts of international organizations such as IOM and UN Women to assist with economic reintegration, existing programs remain inadequate. Many reintegration programs fail to adequately address the specific vulnerabilities of women who have faced GBV, and there is often a gap between the skills acquired abroad and the requirements of the job market in Ethiopia.

As a result, some women who come back are compelled to accept low-paying, informal jobs with little security, reinforcing cycles of economic instability (Girma, 2021). Returnees encountered considerable economic difficulties during the reintegration process, mainly due to limited access to financial resources and the weight of debts related to migration. Participants in the focus group voiced concerns regarding their struggle to launch a small business because of a lack of initial funding. When they tried to secure a loan, the Credit Association demanded a guarantor. As a result, they had to give up their entrepreneurial aspirations. Aside from these financial obstacles, numerous returnees bore the burden of debt accumulated during their migration experience. For instance, the key informant mentioned her story as follow:

I borrowed $2,000 to finance my journey to Saudi Arabia, hoping to improve my life and support my family. The loan came with a 100% interest rate, which meant I would have to repay double the amount I received. I believed that once I arrived and found work, I would be able to repay the loan quickly. However, things did not go as planned. I was deported shortly after arriving, without earning a single dollar. I returned home empty-handed, burdened with a large debt and no means to pay it back. The pressure of the loan became overwhelming, and since I couldn’t repay it myself, my family had to step in. My parents were forced to sell our cattle—the most valuable asset we owned—in order to cover the debt. It was a painful and humiliating experience. Not only did we lose our main source of income, but the situation also brought great emotional stress and shame to my family. This experience made my reintegration into the community extremely difficult and left me feeling even more hopeless than before I migrated.”

These case indicates the severe economic vulnerabilities returnees face, which in turn hinder their ability to reintegrate successfully into their communities.

DISCUSSION

The findings on the lived experiences of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) among Ethiopian women returnee migrants from Saudi Arabia highlight a complex interplay of systemic vulnerabilities, cultural expectations, and inadequate support mechanisms. This discussion will delve deeper into the implications of these findings, drawing connections to existing academic literature and reports from international organizations, while also offering a critical perspective on the overarching themes.

The Pervasiveness of GBV as a Systemic Issue

The physical, psychological, and sexual abuse endured by Ethiopian women returnees, stressed by findings from IOM (2020), the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2021), and HRW (2020), emphasizes a broader system of oppression that disproportionately affects women from the Global South, especially African women involved in low-paying domestic jobs. This corresponds with wider studies by entities like Amnesty International (2020) and the ILO (2021), which repeatedly emphasize the significant human rights violations experienced by migrant domestic workers within exploitative labor frameworks like the kafala system. The kafala system, characterized by significant power imbalances and absence of legal protections, essentially maintains a contemporary version of indentured servitude, confining workers in exploitative situations with minimal options for relief. This structural weakness is not by chance but is deeply rooted in an international labor hierarchy that continually devalues and diminishes the work of Black African women, rendering them especially vulnerable to severe forms of violence (Graham, 2020; UN Women, 2021). The clear reference to “coercive confinement” and “physical punishment” justified as “disciplining workers” by employers (Girma, 2021; ILO, 2021) further highlights the normalization of violence in this exploitative context.

Furthermore, the findings illuminate that psychological abuse, while often unseen, inflicts profound and enduring wounds (MoWCA, 2020; UNHCR, 2021). The narratives of verbal mistreatment, humiliation, and emotional control resonate with research by Berg (2019) and Amnesty International (2020), emphasizing that violence extends beyond the physical realm. The consistent undermining of self-worth, threats of deportation, and false accusations (Girma, 2021; Fufa, 2022) serve as potent tools of control, eroding a person’s sense of self and autonomy. The systematic rendering invisible of emotional distress, as highlighted by the absence of adequate mental health assistance in reintegration initiatives (Harris, 2021), reflects a broader societal failure to acknowledge and address the complex needs of GBV survivors.

The harrowing accounts of sexual violence, including rape and sexual coercion (Fufa, 2022; Wondimu, 2021), further expose the extreme vulnerability of these women. The research by ILO (2021) and Human Rights Watch (2020) confirms that the power disparity and the restrictive nature of the kafala system create an environment ripe for sexual exploitation, where victims are often confined and denied access to communication or legal aid. The egregious instances of women being arrested or deported when attempting to report sexual violence (UNHCR, 2021; Graham, 2020) underscore the systemic impunity enjoyed by perpetrators and the profound lack of protection for migrant domestic workers. The occurrence of sexual violence during transit and in detention centers (Gebre, 2021; IOM, 2020; Kebede, 2020) further accentuates the continuum of violence these women face at every stage of their migration journey.

The Intersecting Nature of Vulnerabilities

Viewed through an intersectional lens, it is clear that Ethiopian women’s experiences are diverse and influenced by the interplay of various identities and systemic inequalities. Crenshaw’s (1989) seminal research on intersectionality is vital for comprehending how elements like immigration status, socio-economic position, and rural or urban origins heighten their vulnerability to violence and hinder their reintegration. The results suggest that physical violence is encountered differently due to these intersectional factors, with undocumented status and reliance on limiting sponsorship structures heightening susceptibility to emotional abuse (Amnesty International, 2020; IOM, 2020). Moreover, the conversation underscores that the difficulties of social reintegration are interconnected and intensified by factors such as class, geographic background, and religious faith. The recognition that rural returnees experience greater stigma from stricter compliance with traditional values (Gebre, 2021) illustrates how societal frameworks in Ethiopia enhance their persistent marginalization. Likewise, the additional layers of discrimination experienced by single mothers or women with children conceived through sexual violence (Tesfaye, 2020) highlight how societal expectations and judgments exacerbate their trauma and obstruct their efforts to reconstruct their lives. The story of the returnee woman branded a “prostitute” and “failed girl” after experiencing sexual violence and pregnancy vividly shows the deep effects of this intersecting stigma.

The Reintegration Paradox: Stigma, Scarcity of Support, and Economic Hardship

The obstacles to reintegration encountered by Ethiopian women returnees highlight a profoundly entrenched system of structural disparity that hinders their recovery and reintegration into society. The widespread social exclusion resulting from the stigma linked to being victims of abuse, especially in instances of sexual violence, correlates with findings by Girma (2021) and Wondimu (2021) regarding victim-blaming societies. The societal inclination to blame women for their victimization, perceiving them as “damaged goods,” showcases deep-rooted patriarchal beliefs that impose an unfair expectation on women to maintain standards of purity and honor (Haddis, 2021).

The victim-blaming culture, pointed out  by Berg (2019) and UNHCR (2021), significantly hinders the ability to reconnect with family and community ties, leading to ongoing emotional distress and heightened marginalization. The view of migrant women as “contaminated” from their interaction with foreign cultures and exploitative domestic employment (Graham, 2020) indicates  the societal biases that obstruct their reintegration, affecting even their chances for marriage (Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, 2021). The financial aspect of reintegration is just as urgent. The struggle of numerous returnee women to rejoin the workforce because of trauma-related challenges such as PTSD, depression, and anxiety (Girma, 2021; UN Women, 2021; Fufa, 2022) highlights a significant deficiency in reintegration programs. Although organizations such as IOM and the Ethiopian government have launched initiatives, their focus on vocational training, lacking sufficient psychosocial support (Thomas, 2022), is inadequate. This neglect directly opposes the trauma-informed model, which supports safe settings, therapeutic guidance, and strong community support systems for lasting recovery (Harris, 2021). The restricted availability of mental health services, especially in rural areas (Berg, 2019; Ethiopian Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, 2021), worsens their challenges, resulting in extended unemployment and financial insecurity.

The “reintegration paradox” clearly shows the societal expectation for women to migrate for improved financial circumstances, juxtaposed with the rejection and isolation they encounter when returning home without monetary achievement. This inconsistency, illustrated by families viewing returnees as “burdens” rather than “trauma survivors” (ILO, 2021), emphasizes that migration is not merely an economic decision but a deeply gendered and socialized occurrence. Women are anticipated to provide financial support, but their experiences of violence and the subsequent difficulties abroad are often overlooked. The heavy debt incurred from migration, illustrated by the family’s sale of cattle to settle a loan, along with the challenges in obtaining startup capital (Fufa, 2022), fosters a harmful cycle of economic reliance and instability, frequently pushing women into low-paying, insecure informal jobs (Girma, 2021).

CONCLUSION

This research has illuminated the widespread occurrence of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) faced by Ethiopian women returnee migrants from Saudi Arabia and its significant effect on their reintegration processes. The results highlight that these women experience complex types of abuse—physical, emotional, and sexual—that are worsened by systemic weaknesses tied to the migration process and the limiting kafala system. Upon returning, survivors encounter major difficulties, such as profound social stigma, the breakdown of familial and community ties, and a severe deficiency in sufficient social and economic assistance. The research’s use of trauma-informed and intersectionality frameworks demonstrated how these difficulties are intensified by different socio-economic factors and conventional gender norms, resulting in extended emotional suffering, psychological trauma, and ongoing economic reliance. The existing reintegration programs are mainly inadequate, emphasizing vocational training while overlooking the essential psychosocial and trauma-informed support needed for genuine recovery and effective reintegration. This divide maintains a cycle of exclusion, limiting women’s capacity to participate fully in society and frequently heightening their susceptibility to re-migration in unstable situations.

In summary, tackling the reintegration issues faced by Ethiopian women returnee migrants requires a comprehensive and rights-oriented strategy. This encompasses:

  • Enhancing legal safeguards for migrant workers to avert GBV in recipient nations and guarantee access to justice.
  • Creating thorough, trauma-sensitive reintegration programs that incorporate strong psychological counseling, social support systems, and personalized economic empowerment strategies in addition to job training.
  • Confronting societal stigmas and patriarchal standards in Ethiopia that place blame on victims and exclude returnee women, especially those who have faced sexual violence or returned without economic success.
  • Providing access to financial support and debt forgiveness to reduce the economic strain that typically motivates initial migration and hinders effective reintegration.

REFERENCES

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