Historical Development of Federalism in Kenya from 1960 to 2022.

Historical Development of Federalism in Kenya from 1960 to 2022.

Lizza Nkirote Kaaria¹, Caroline Mucece Kithinji^2*, Dr. Ambrose Vengi³

^1,3Department of Humanities, Tharaka University, Kenya

²Chuka University, Embu Kenya

*Corresponding author

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.909000492

Received: 11 September 2025; Accepted: 17 September 2025; Published: 15 October 2025

ABSTRACT

This study explores the historical development of federalism in Kenya and its socio-economic implications in the Eastern Region between 1960 and 2022. While federalism and devolution have been central to Kenya’s political evolution, their regional dimensions remain underexplored, creating a gap that this study addresses. The research was guided the objective of tracing the historical development of federalism in Kenya since independence from 1960 to 2022. The study adopted a descriptive design and qualitative approach. Data were obtained through archival research, interviews, focus group discussions, and observations, targeting communities and leaders across the seven counties of the Eastern Region. The analysis drew on Marxist theory and the Great Man theory to interpret the interplay of structural and individual factors in shaping governance. A total of 60 respondents were sampled from a population of over 6.8 million people, with qualitative data subjected to content analysis and presented in narrative form. Findings indicate that federalism and devolution were widely perceived as remedies to decades of marginalization, enabling communities to access resources and participate in local governance. Notable gains included improved access to government services, education, and infrastructure. However, persistent challenges were identified: inadequate funding, corruption, weak coordination among leaders, illiteracy, limited public participation, and unqualified personnel. These issues hindered the full realization of federalism’s promise. The study contributes to the historiography of governance in Kenya by situating the Eastern Region within broader debates on federalism and devolution. It also provides policy-relevant insights for strengthening devolved structures to promote equitable socio-economic development.

Keywords: Federalism, Devolution, Governance, Eastern Region, Kenya, Socio-economic development, Local autonomy, Ethnic dynamics

INTRODUCTION

Federalism is widely recognized as a governance system that distributes power between central and subnational units, offering a constitutional mechanism for managing diversity and enhancing political participation (Kaimenyi & Meagher, 2004; Barrett, Mude & Omiti, 2007). Comparative scholarship identifies both mono-national federations, designed to advance nation-building, and multinational federations, which accommodate territorially rooted diversity (McGarry & O’Leary, 2005). While federalism has proven effective in plural societies, decentralization and federal arrangements have also been adapted in unitary systems, particularly in contexts where citizen participation and service delivery are central concerns (Erk, 2014).

In Africa, debates about governance models have revolved around reconciling unity and diversity within multi-ethnic states (Joseph, 1999; Hyden, 1999). Postcolonial experiments with federalism were often short-lived, giving way to centralization despite the promises of decentralization for efficiency, equity, and development (Smoke, 2003; Rothchild, 1966). Federalism and decentralization reforms in countries such as Ghana and Kenya have since been incorporated into constitutional frameworks, though often without the strong protections found in established federations like the United States, Germany, or Switzerland (Erk, 2004).

Kenya’s federal experience began with the 1960 “Majimbo” constitution, which introduced regional governments at independence in 1963. However, the arrangement was dismantled by 1965, replaced with a centralized unitary system under Jomo Kenyatta’s administration (Kibwana, 2002). Local governments created thereafter operated with limited autonomy, as real authority remained concentrated in the provincial administration. The push for centralization reflected ethnic and political dynamics: while the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) advocated regional autonomy to safeguard minority interests, the dominant Kenya African National Union (KANU) swiftly consolidated power after independence (Oloo, 2008).

The demand for more inclusive governance resurfaced in the 1990s and culminated in the 2010 Constitution, which institutionalized devolution through the creation of 47 county governments (Wanyande & Mboya, 2015). This marked a significant restructuring of Kenya’s governance architecture, promising to redress historical marginalization, enhance equity, and accelerate socio-economic development through localized decision-making. Devolution, as Kenya’s variant of federalism, officially took effect after the 2013 general elections.

Despite the prominence of federalism and devolution in Kenya’s political history, limited scholarly attention has been paid to their regional socio-economic implications. Much of the existing literature focuses on leadership, elections, and political mobilization at the national level, while the lived experiences of counties and regions remain underexplored (Barrett, Mude & Omiti, 2007). In particular, the Eastern Region which encompasses seven counties and a population exceeding six million has received scant attention, despite its long history of contestation over access to resources and political representation.

This study therefore examines the historical development of federalism and its socio-economic implications in Eastern Kenya between 1960 and 2022. It is guided by three objectives: to trace the historical development of federalism in Kenya during this period; to assess its contributions to socio-economic development in the Eastern Region; and to examine strategies for overcoming challenges that have hindered its effectiveness. By situating Eastern Kenya within Kenya’s wider governance trajectory, the study addresses a major gap in historiography and contributes to understanding the uneven outcomes of federal and devolved systems across regions.

The significance of this research lies in both scholarly and policy domains. Historically, it contributes to the political historiography of Kenya by documenting regional responses to shifting governance structures. Socio-economically, it highlights the gains and shortcomings of devolution as experienced in Eastern Kenya, thereby offering insights for policymakers seeking to strengthen devolved governance and promote inclusive development.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This study employed a qualitative, descriptive, and exploratory research design to investigate the historical development of federalism and its socio-economic implications in Kenya’s Eastern Region between 1960 and 2022. The qualitative approach was appropriate for capturing perceptions, experiences, and processes across time without manipulating the natural environment of the participants.

The research was conducted in the Eastern Region of Kenya, which comprises Embu, Isiolo, Kitui, Machakos, Makueni, Marsabit, Meru, and Tharaka Nithi counties. The region has a population of approximately 6.8 million people, according to the 2019 census, and its historical role as the political and administrative hub during the Majimbo era of the early 1960s made it particularly significant for the study. Embu, in particular, served as a regional headquarters under the independence constitution and later became a county headquarters under the 2010 devolved system, making it an important site for exploring both federalism and devolution in practice.

Participants were drawn from across the region and included elderly residents, political elites, opinion leaders, administrators, business people, and community elders. A purposive sampling strategy was used to identify individuals with knowledge and experience of governance and federalism, and snowballing techniques supplemented recruitment until data saturation was reached. In total, 60 respondents were engaged, of whom 40 participated in in-depth interviews while 20 took part in three focus group discussions. Respondents aged over 75 provided valuable historical accounts dating back to independence, while those aged between 60 and 74 reflected on the impact of federalism and devolution on socio-economic development.

Data was collected through semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions, and direct observations. Interviews targeted individuals with knowledge of political governance and were conducted in English, Kiswahili, Ki-Meru, Ki-Kamba, or Ki-Embu, depending on the respondent’s preference. The discussions brought together political elites, women leaders, and administrators in small groups to capture interactive perspectives. Observations focused on physical and social infrastructure such as roads, schools, health facilities, and markets to contextualize the narratives. Archival materials were consulted at the Kenya National Archives and Documentation Centre, and secondary data were obtained from books, journal articles, dissertations, and government reports.

The data were analyzed thematically. Transcribed interviews and focus group discussions were coded and organized into categories aligned with the study objectives, which made it possible to identify recurring patterns, similarities, and divergences. Archival and secondary data were triangulated with primary findings to ensure credibility and validity.

Ethical approval for the study was obtained through a research permit issued by the National Commission for Science, Technology and Innovation (NACOSTI). Participants gave informed consent and were assured of confidentiality, anonymity, and the right to withdraw at any stage. The study also adhered to principles of voluntary participation, academic integrity, and respect for respondents’ well-being.

LITERATURE REVIEW

The concept of federalism has been widely debated across different contexts, with experiences from Canada, the United States, India, Africa, and Kenya providing important comparative insights. Hueglin (2021) and Richard (2005) provide comprehensive analyses of Canadian federalism, tracing its chronological development, constitutional design, and its role in shaping bilingualism, multiculturalism, and human rights. Their work offers a useful comparative lens for examining the Kenyan experience, particularly in the evolution of power relations and institutional arrangements. Similarly, Hunter and Rogowski (2022) highlight American preferences for decentralization, showing how ideological orientations shape attitudes toward federalism, a useful parallel to Kenyan citizens’ diverse perceptions of devolution.

Tillin (2023) discusses India’s centralized but flexible federalism, designed to balance national unity with regional autonomy. Her analysis underscores the importance of adaptability in managing diversity—an issue central to Kenya’s constitutional reforms of 2010. Comparisons with India show how Kenya’s devolved system echoes broader global patterns of reconciling diversity and unity, though Kenya’s judiciary remains less devolved than other arms of government.

African scholarship provides crucial insights into federalism’s challenges and promises. McGarry and O’Leary (2005) assess federal experiments in Ethiopia, Nigeria, Somalia, South Africa, and South Sudan, concluding that while federalism often preserves territorial integrity and accommodates diversity, it rarely prevents conflict in the absence of democracy and commitment to genuine power-sharing. Erk (2014) similarly traces Sub-Saharan Africa’s 1990s democratic reforms, showing that decentralization reforms often produced asymmetrical outcomes due to ethnic, religious, and demographic diversity. Nigerian experiences, discussed by Ibeanu and Kuna (2016) and Ola (1984), highlight the capacity of federalism to manage diversity while emphasizing the role of local government in aligning services with local needs.

Closer to East Africa, Vaughan (2019) demonstrates how federation debates in the 1960s were tied to nation-state formation, often reflecting competing visions of centralization and provincial autonomy. In Kenya, Maxon (2017) traces the roots of federalism to World War II anxieties among European settlers, who pushed for majimbo as a defensive mechanism against decolonization. The independence constitution of 1963 entrenched a federal structure, dividing Kenya into seven regions plus Nairobi (Akivaga, Kulundu & Opi, 1988). However, the model was short-lived as centralization rapidly took over, weakening local authorities.

Post-independence scholarship (Ambose, 2017; Wanyande & Mboya, 2015; Hope, 2014) emphasizes that the centralized model produced ethno-regional inequalities, marginalization, and demands for equitable distribution of resources. These grievances fueled agitation for devolution, culminating in the 2010 Constitution. Studies such as Burugu (2010) and Himbara (1994) note persistent challenges in local governance, including corruption, weak capacity, poor coordination, and political conflicts between national and county governments. Yet, as Ambose (2017) observes, devolution also holds potential for enhancing national unity by promoting equitable development.

In summary, comparative scholarship from North America, India, and Africa, alongside Kenyan-focused studies, reveal that federalism’s success depends on balancing central authority with local autonomy, ensuring equitable resource distribution, and fostering inclusive governance. Kenya’s historical trajectory—from the majimbo system of the 1960s to the devolved governance framework of the 2010 Constitution—illustrates both the difficulties and promises of federalism in a multi-ethnic society. This study builds on these insights to trace Kenya’s federal evolution and its socio-economic implications in the Eastern Region between 1960 and 2022.

FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

This study examined the historical development of federalism in Kenya and its socio-economic implications in the Eastern Region, drawing on archival records, oral interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs), and secondary sources. The Eastern Region, inhabited by communities including the Meru, Embu, Mbeere, and Kamba, possessed rich indigenous political, social, and economic structures prior to colonial interference. Traditional governance relied on elders, clan heads, and councils that collectively oversaw land allocation, dispute resolution, and local development initiatives. Archival records from the Kenya National Archives (KNA, CAB/GEN/25/1962) confirm that these arrangements were deeply participatory and community-oriented, promoting cohesion, accountability, and equitable resource distribution. Oral testimonies from Meru elders indicated that councils ensured adherence to customary law and mediated conflicts impartially, fostering trust and mutual responsibility among community members (Kathure, O.I., 2025). FGDs in Embu and Mbeere similarly highlighted that indigenous governance emphasized inclusivity, with decisions often made in public assemblies where community members could contribute and challenge leaders, reflecting a “power-with” model of governance.

The colonial period, however, disrupted these structures. Minority groups in the Eastern Region feared domination under a centralized, unitary government dominated by larger ethnic blocs. This fear prompted the formation of the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), which advocated for federalism, or “Majimbo,” as a safeguard for local autonomy. In contrast, the Kenya African National Union (KANU) pursued centralization. Archival minutes from the Lancaster House Conference (KNA/Colonial Office Record, 1962) reveal intense debates over regional autonomy, representation, and resource distribution. Oral histories confirm that Meru and Embu communities were anxious about being marginalized in a KANU-led unitary state, which shaped subsequent expectations for governance (Kathure, O.I., 2025).

Following independence, the Kenyatta administration moved to consolidate power. The Senate and regional assemblies were dismissed as divisive, perceived as obstacles to nation-building (Mwenda, O.I., 2025; Dida & Guyo, O.I., 2025). The 1969 amendment to the Local Government Act centralized education, health, and road infrastructure under the Ministry of Local Government. Local authorities retained limited responsibilities, such as water provision, but their budgets, staffing, and operations were subject to ministerial approval. Interviews revealed that councilors were often symbolic, with clerks and administrative officers exercising executive power independently, effectively sidelining elected representatives (Mureti & Kamwere, O.I., 2025; Mitullah, 2005). FGDs further highlighted that citizens had little recourse to influence decisions, and decisions taken by central authorities often disregarded local priorities.

Centralization was reinforced by the reestablishment of the Provincial Administration, initially a colonial mechanism to maintain control over African communities (Mitullah et al., 2005; M’Mwithimbu & Kaburo, O.I., 2025). Provincial Commissioners, District Commissioners, and Chiefs were embedded in local councils to supervise administration and enforce government directives. Oral testimonies indicated that these officials were feared more than respected, acting primarily as political enforcers rather than neutral administrators. A respondent from Embu noted, “When a chief was coming, we would all make sure to follow the rules strictly, even if we thought they were unfair” (Nkanata, O.I., 2025). This illustrates a “power-over” governance approach that curtailed local participation and reinforced central control.

Early attempts at decentralization included the Special Rural Development Program (SRDP) and the establishment of District Development Committees (DDCs) in the 1970s, intended to facilitate integrated rural planning (Barkan & Chege, 1989). In the Eastern Region, DDCs coordinated central government-funded projects such as feeder roads, water supply, community centers, and health clinics (Gichatha, O.I., 2025). Oral interviews revealed that while the DDCs theoretically provided a platform for participatory planning, the central government’s influence was overwhelming. FGDs in Isiolo noted that community input was often solicited in name only, and decisions were pre-determined by district officers acting on instructions from Nairobi. The transition to the District Focus for Rural Development (DFRD) reinforced deconcentration, transferring planning responsibilities to district units directly accountable to the central government and further marginalizing elected local authorities (Mitullah et al., 2005).

The Moi regime (1978–2002) compounded centralization despite initial rhetoric promising anti-corruption and anti-ethnic politics. Political repression intensified with the mlolongo queue voting system, abolition of secret ballots, and suppression of opposition parties (Mwakikagile, 2001; Throup & Hornsby, 1998). Interviews and FGDs in Meru and Embu indicate that these policies significantly limited local participation in governance and reinforced feelings of exclusion. Citizens recalled that elected leaders often acted as conduits for central government directives rather than as representatives of local communities. Civil society organizations, notably the Law Society of Kenya (LSK) and the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK), emerged as key platforms advocating for political pluralism and institutional reform (Cohen & Atieno-Odhiambo, 2004; Hempstone, 1997). The formation of the Forum for Restoration of Democracy (FORD) in 1991 exemplified grassroots mobilization for democratic governance, highlighting widespread dissatisfaction with centralized and autocratic control.

Ethnic dynamics within the Eastern Region further complicated governance and development. In Meru, historical dominance by the Imenti sub-group generated perceptions of inequitable land distribution and resource allocation, fostering tensions within the county (Munene, O.I., 2025). FGD participants reported that localized elites often monopolized county resources, giving rise to fears that federalism could replicate centralized exclusion at the county level, creating “mini-dictatorships.” The CKRC (2002) similarly warned that ethnically-based federalism could exacerbate national disunity. Proponents of federalism argued that a carefully designed system could enhance fiscal autonomy, strengthen accountability, and ensure equitable development across historically marginalized regions (Ghai, 2008; Nyanjom, 2011; Kirira, 2019). Oral interviews revealed that many residents in the Eastern Region viewed the 2010 Constitution as an opportunity to correct long-standing inequities, but also expressed concern about the capacity of county governments to resist elite capture and partisan manipulation.

The 2010 Constitution institutionalized devolution through 47 County Governments and introduced Local Authorities Service Delivery Action Plans (LASDAP) to promote citizen participation in planning and resource allocation (MLGRD/CONF/2/14; Office of the President, 2001). FGDs in Isiolo and Embu revealed that for the first time, communities felt empowered to identify and prioritize local development projects (Njue, O.I., 2025). Devolution improved access to education, healthcare, infrastructure, and local development initiatives (Barkan & Chege, 1989; Rondinelli et al., 1983). Nonetheless, central government interference, delayed disbursement of funds, and elite capture constrained the effectiveness of devolved structures (Senate Committee on Devolution, 2018; Controller of Budget, 2020; Gichatha, O.I., 2025). Oral interviews emphasized that leaders often prioritized directives from Nairobi over local needs, limiting genuine autonomy and undermining citizen confidence.

Theoretical reflection highlights the interplay between structural and individual agency in Kenya’s governance. Marxist theory elucidates the structural dominance of central elites in controlling resources and political power, while Great Man Theory emphasizes the impact of leaders such as Kenyatta and Moi in shaping institutional frameworks and policy outcomes. The Eastern Region illustrates that while federalism and devolution can enhance service delivery, increase participation, and foster socio-economic development, these benefits are contingent on adequate resources, inclusive governance, and political commitment. Archival evidence, FGDs, and oral testimonies collectively demonstrate that tensions between centralization and decentralization remain central to Kenya’s governance landscape, influencing both the potential and limitations of federalism.

In summary, Kenya’s historical trajectory in the Eastern Region demonstrates the complex interplay between central authority, local autonomy, and citizen participation. Devolution has improved service delivery, infrastructure, and local governance mechanisms, yet challenges remain. Elite capture, ethnic tensions, funding limitations, and central government interference continue to impede full realization of federalism’s objectives. Effective governance requires enhanced fiscal autonomy, robust institutional capacity, and a participatory culture that genuinely empowers citizens. Kenya’s experience underscores both the potential of federalism as a mechanism for equitable development and the structural and political obstacles that must be addressed to secure its sustainability.

CONCLUSION

The historical trajectory of federalism in Kenya, with a focus on the Eastern Region, demonstrates a persistent struggle between centralization and demands for local autonomy. The Majimbo Constitution of 1963 initially offered a framework for protecting minority communities, but its rapid dismantling entrenched a unitary system dominated by central authority. Subsequent decentralization reforms—whether through provincial administration, DDCs, or DFRD—provided only superficial participation, leaving the Eastern Region politically marginalized and economically dependent on Nairobi.

The reintroduction of devolution in the 2010 Constitution marked an important corrective step, granting county governments substantive powers in governance and service delivery. However, evidence from Eastern Kenya reveals that challenges of elite capture, fiscal dependency, and delayed resource transfers continue to limit the transformative potential of devolution. While the current framework has broadened spaces for citizen participation and strengthened local accountability, it has not fully realized the promise of equitable development or addressed the deeper structural imbalances that fueled earlier calls for federalism.

Ultimately, the experience of Eastern Kenya illustrates that federalism and devolution are not merely institutional arrangements but political bargains shaped by competing visions of unity, diversity, and justice. For Kenya, the task remains to deepen devolution in ways that promote inclusivity and accountability while avoiding the pitfalls of ethnic fragmentation.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The historical evolution of federalism in Kenya underscores the need for reforms that strengthen devolution as a vehicle for inclusive governance and balanced development. First, the fiscal framework should be revised to grant counties greater autonomy in revenue mobilization and reduce dependency on the National Treasury. Timely disbursement of county allocations is critical to ensure effective service delivery, particularly in health, infrastructure, and education sectors.

Second, citizen participation mechanisms must be deepened. Historical exclusion in Eastern Kenya demonstrates that formal structures alone cannot guarantee inclusivity; deliberate strategies such as civic education, participatory budgeting, and grassroots consultations are necessary to ensure meaningful community engagement in governance.

Third, capacity-building of county institutions is essential. The persistence of elite capture, corruption, and unqualified staff in devolved units highlights the need for professional training, transparent recruitment, and stronger oversight frameworks.

Finally, future constitutional reforms should address the ambiguities in power-sharing between national and county governments. A clearer delineation of functions anchored in cooperative federalism can minimize conflict, foster accountability, and prevent duplication of roles.

These measures carry wider implications beyond Eastern Kenya. They highlight that sustainable federal or devolved systems require not only legal frameworks but also political goodwill, institutional capacity, and continuous dialogue between national and local actors. If implemented effectively, such reforms can help Kenya realize the unfulfilled promise of federalism: equitable development, reduced marginalization, and strengthened national cohesion.

REFERENCE

1. Akivaga, K., Kulundu, E., & Opi, S. (1988). The independence constitution and regional governance in Kenya. Nairobi: East African Publishers.
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7. Controller of Budget. (2020). Annual report on county finances. Nairobi: Government Printer.
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Archival Records

1. Kenya National Archives (KNA, CAB/GEN/25/1962). Colonial governance and local administration records. Nairobi: KNA.
2. Kenya National Archives, Colonial Office Record (1962). Lancaster House Conference minutes. Nairobi: KNA.
3. Ministry of Local Government (MLGRD/CONF/2/14). Local Authorities Service Delivery Action Plans (LASDAP). Nairobi: Government Printer.

Oral Interview / FGD Sources (O.I.)

1. Kathure, O.I. (2025). Elder, Meru – interviews on pre-independence governance and KADU/KANU era.
2. Mwenda, O.I. (2025). Political analyst – interviews on post-independence centralization.
3. Dida, J., & Guyo, J., O.I. (2025). Interviews on regional governance.
4. Mureti, O.I., & Kamwere, O.I. (2025). Interviews on local authority functioning.
5. Gichatha, O.I. (2025). Community leader, Eastern Region – interviews on District Development Committees and devolution.
6. M’Mwithimbu, O.I., & Kaburo, O.I. (2025). Interviews on Provincial Administration and local governance.
7. Nkanata, O.I. (2025). Elder, Embu – interviews on colonial-era chiefs and District Officers.
8. Munene, O.I. (2025). Meru community leader – interviews on ethnic dynamics under federalism.
9. Njue, O.I. (2025). FGD participant, Isiolo – interviews on LASDAP and citizen participation.