Historical Narrative on Childbearing: The Case of the Imilangu of Kalabo and Sikongo Districts of Western Zambia

Historical Narrative on Childbearing: The Case of the Imilangu of Kalabo and Sikongo Districts of Western Zambia

Simakando Silongwa., And Pauline Mileji

Faculty Members at Kwame Nkrumah University, Kabwe, Zambia)

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.908000301

Received: 29 July 2025; Accepted: 05 August 2025; Published: 08 September 2025

ABSTRACT

Historians and other scholars have increased attention they pay to the people of Barotseland. Nevertheless, so far there is no study that has been done in a historical way to document childbearing and its associated beliefs among the Imilangu of Kalabo and Sikongo Districts of Western Province, Zambia. Therefore, this study is an account of childbearing among the Imilangu. The first theme of discussion in this article deals with four philosophies of child conception. The Imilangu belied that child conception was as a result of fusion of male and female sex cells. Secondly, it was also believed that some children were born by men even without any contribution from a woman. Thirdly, it was believed that conception was a gift from the ancestral spirits or gods. The last philosophy was that conception was a result of two things, the two parents (man and woman) and the ancestral spirits. The second theme looked at some taboos (icila) that were followed by pregnant mothers. Toboos to do with food, work, marital faithfulness and others have been discussed. The third theme dealt with causes of infertility among people. Finally, the article looked at labour and the activities associated with it.

Key Words: Imilangu, childbearing, philosophy, taboos, barrenness, birth, child

INTRODUCTION

Among the Imilangu, childbearing was very cardinal as it was considered to be the most important stage in the life of human beings. This is the reason a lot of precaution was taken by an expectant mother between conception and birth. People believed that as long as care was not taken to save life at this stage, their area (Imilangu) would have no people in the future. Sumbwa states that childbearing is cardinal because of the great value Lozis place on children as insurance for their parents’ old age needs.^[1] Magesa asserts that the moment of conception is not a time of great joy for husband and wife only, but also for the whole clan. Conception indicates and assumes that the universe is in good order and that the ancestors are happy. It is a step for marriage consolidation.^[2] Daniel Chuunga adds that, “long time ago, childlessness in most African societies led to divorce; conversely, conception was the joy and pride of the couple.^[3] Both Magesa and Chuunga show how childbearing was valued in African societies, Imilangu inclusive,  for consolidation of marriages. Mbiti expands this view by elucidating that:

Pregnancy is a joyful period for the woman and her family. If it is the first pregnancy for her, it assures everyone that she is able to bear children. Once that is known, her marriage is largely secure, and the relatives treat her with great respect than before.^[4]

Ngulube support childbearing as a factor for marriage consolidation by posting that:

The real test of all things to come and to be was the first pregnancy. Married life was a kind of existence and the testimony for the fullest existence parenthood. Children transcended all other things and made it possible for marriages to go on until the couple was as one, blood relatives bound by a blood line of wordless togetherness.^[5]

Other than bonding marriages, children were also important because they took care of their parents when they grew up. Among the Imilangu, the saying shimulela kayumi, kayumi mbakakulela (lit. when your keep a child, the same child will keep you) is of great value. This is true in the sense that the children one produces are able to pay back by taking care of him/her when they grow up. Kueleko moyo (lit. childbearing is life) is yet another saying used to show how children help their parents when they grow up. Headman Muhongo expanded this view saying:

Children are just like diamond to their parents. As they grow up, they provide their parents with firewood, food, clothes and plates. They also build houses, fences, storage bans and other needed buildings for their parents. All the ploughing is done by children if the parents are aged. In other words, parents become like children to their own children as they grow up. If one had girl children, it meant wealth when they got married. If one has no children, it becomes difficult to find one to help him/her.^[6]

METHODOLOGY

This study used various sources and methods in the process of gathering information. Purposive sampling procedure was used during data collection. The study used qualitative data collection method. Primary data was collected from ten oral sources (six males and four females) who had important data on childbearing among the Imilangu. These were selected from different villages within and even outside the study area based on recommendations from people who knew them to have adequate oral data on the history of Imilangu. Secondary data was collected from different written literature at Kwame Nkrumah University and the University of Zambia (UNZA) libraries. National Archives of Zambia (NAZ) was of help in provision of more primary data. In addition, internet sources were of great help during data collection.

Philosophies about child conception

Whether educated or not, rich or poor, people always have an understanding of where children come from. Among the Imilangu four major philosophies came out during the research on child conception. The first philosophy showed that the Imilangu believed that a child was conceived out of fusion of male and female sex cells. In short, most, if not all children, are products of sex. People who supported this philosophy stated that a child could be conceived only when there was fusion of the sperm and ovum. This philosophy was supported by all the women and some men that were interviewed. It was brought to light by advocates of this philosophy that no child could be born if a man and woman did not meet. Speaking in support of this view Nosiku Mulilo stressed that, “conception is a blessing that comes out of sex between a man and a woman. If there is sex between man and man, or between woman and woman, the blessing of conception cannot take place.”^[7]

The second philosophy, supported by some men, indicated that children were born by men even without any contribution from a woman. To support this argument, Moses Mutuso stressed that the only role a woman plays in the production of a child is just to carry the baby.^[8]Mukaci kawana mwana, mukaci shihete (lit. a woman can’t produce a child, she is just a storage) was a common saying among those who believed that women don’t produce but just carry children. Advocates of this philosophy stressed that a man puts a child in a woman who in turn carries the child in her womb. To validate this argument, men gave some examples of fellow men who became pregnant in South Africa where they went for labour migrations. Such pregnancies occurred after there was sex between a man and another man (homosexuality). When asked to explain how such men gave birth, Moses Mutuso stated that, “men were operated and the children were removed from their stomachs”.^[9] When asked if there was any known person in Imilangu who was born from parents of the same sex during labour migrations in South Africa, the respondents stated that as soon as a men were operated to remove the children from their stomachs, the South African government took the children and they were never given back to their parents. By so doing, all the children that were born from parents who were both males were not brought to Imilangu, but left in South Africa. This philosophy was supported by men only, especially those who had gone to South Africa for labour migrations. All the interviewed women disputed this philosophy and stressed that men who supported it were liars.

The third philosophy about child conception stressed that conception was a gift from the ancestral spirits or gods (alimu). Advocates of this philosophy stated that man and woman are just used by the gods as conduits to bring life to the world. Thomas Nyambe highlighted that “haibanji alimu kashikupa mwana kotweshe kueleka shiwanga yowe otenda ngepi”^[10] (lit. if the gods have not given you a child, you can’t have one no matter what you do). To further validate this philosophy, Thomas stated that “just like Jesus was born without any active contribution from his ‘parents’, but through the power of God, all children are born as a blessing from our ancestors.^[11] Magesa supports the belief that conception was a gift from the ancestors by pointing out that conception is not seen as merely a result of man and woman coming together in the act of sexual intercourse. It is most basically understood as the result of a blessing from God and the ancestors. Without divine and ancestral blessing, conception may not be possible.^[12]

The fourth philosophy stressed that conception was a result of two things, the two parents and the ancestral spirits. This philosophy had more support than any of the three philosophies  discussed above. Advocates of this philosophy indicated that neither the coming together of man and woman nor the ancestral spirits alone could make a child. They stressed that only when there was an agreement between man and woman and the ancestral spirits can a child be fathered. Simasiku stated that only when there was an agreement between the father, mother and the gods could a child be formed in a woman’s womb. As long as the three were not in agreement, a child could not be formed.^[13] Gehman suppports this philosophy by asserting that:

Conception is believed to be the result of both the husband and the ancestral spirits playing their roles. While the biological mechanism of conception is understood by traditional Akamba, they believe that the ancestors play an important part in child birth. The ancestors are supposed to create and shape the baby in a woman; they also decide whether it should be a boy or a girl.^[14]

To validate further the philosophy that conception was as a result of the two parents and the ancestral spirits, Magesa explains that ancestors, mother and father must all cooperate for conception to take place.^[15]

Taboos followed by expectant mothers

Each and every society, whether rural or urban, has its own taboos in almost every aspect of life. Taboos are defined as a social or religious custom prohibiting or restricting a particular practice or forbidding association with a particular person, place, or thing.[16] To emphasise the importance of taboos among expectant mothers, Chakrabarti and Chakrabarti stated that, “particularly woman’s life, starting from her birth through menarche, marriage, child bearing, motherhood, and finally widowhood, is governed by various taboos. Out of this, taboos related with pregnancy and immediately after child birth are enumerable”.[17] Among the Imilangu, just like other African ethnic groups, the expecting mother had some taboos (icila) to follow when she was pregnant. The taboos that needed to be followed were highly regarded by most, if not all the people. To support the importance of taboos during pregnancy, Ngulube outlines that:

In traditional matrilineal societies, taboos play a very significant role because they reveal the prohibitions for certain categories of the society. Taboos also regulate the community’s behaviour and play a key role in the management of fear. In a given community, taboos give a picture of the respect, fears, beliefs and superstitions one expects to find.^[18]

Women, to start with, were not supposed to have any sexual activity outside marriage. Of all the taboos followed by women when they were expecting, this was the most crucial one. If a woman had sex with other men, it meant that she would have challenges when delivering. The traditional birth attendants available had to force such a woman to confess by mentioning the names of all the men she had slept with for her to successfully deliver. As soon as the father to the child was mentioned, the pregnant mother delivered. Ngulube articulates that, “women in labour often gave birth after … confessions. This confession was held in highest secret such that very few women were privileged to hear it.”^[19] Writing in the same vein, Magesa states that:

A difficult or delayed birth indicates that a sexual taboo has been broken. Unfaithfulness of one or the other spouse, or an incestuous relationship, is sure to result into a delayed delivery. Still birth, birth of an abnormal child, or death of the child before it has been “taken out” and formerly named.^[20]

In short, women were expected to be faithful to their husbands during the period of pregnancy. Failure to being faithful would lead to some complications during birth.

The other taboo for pregnant women was to do with work. Since a pregnant mother was believed to carry two lives (hers and for the child), she was restricted from doing certain kinds of work. For example, a pregnant woman was not allowed to cut firewood or carry a heavy load. No pregnant woman was allowed to catch fish using the bailing method. If she did so, she was likely to face some complications during childbirth. According to Richard Namenda, it was strictly not allowed for a pregnant mother to do hard work. If she did so, she would have serious problems which could even lead to maternal death.[21]

A pregnant woman was also cautioned not to allow an ugly person pass behind her. If an ugly person passed behind her, she would give birth to an ugly child. Other than urgly people, a pregnant mother was also expected to avoid people who were considered unfortunate in life to pass behind her. Moreover, an expectant mother was advised to avoid allowing people she naturally hated to pass behind her. When asked to explain if true an expectant mother would give birth to a child looking like someone who passed behind when she was pregnant, Mushiba Silenga stated that:

As long as a person perceived to be bad in the community passed behind a pregnant woman, she was going to give birth to a child looking like that person. This is why pregnant mothers were not encouraged to be found in places where there were a lot of people because they wouldn’t know who passed behind them.[22]

Despite having a lot of appetite, pregnant women were restricted from eating certain types of foods that were believed to bring complications during or after childbirth. Some of the restricted foods included eggs. It was believed that if a pregnant woman ate eggs, she would have difficulties in delivering because the child would have no passage. This was because eggs had no opening hence closing up the passage for the baby.  Furthermore, it was believed that eating eggs by pregnant mothers would make them give birth to children without hair on the head. Restrictions on eating of eggs was not only obtaining among the Imilangu. “The similar taboo is also practiced among Zimbabwean Christians, where pregnant women are not allowed to consume food such as pork and eggs.”[23] Moreover, a pregnant woman was not allowed to eat food tied in a lianda^[24] because if she did so she would give birth to a child enclosed in the membrane.^[25] Delivering a child enclosed in the membrane was called shilombo or kulombola, meaning to resemble.^[26] In this case a child resembled a lianda (bundle of food) in which the food that was eaten by a pregnant  mother was enclosed.

A pregnant woman was also not allowed to eat animal trotters because it was believed that if she ate trotters she would deliver a baby coming out with legs and not the head first. A pregnant woman was not supposed to eat an animal that died during labour. The main reason for this taboo was that if a woman ate such an animal, she would also die during labour. A pregnant woman was also not allowed to eat sleepover nshima (nkukwe) or drinking water or beer directly through the container. It was believed that if she did so she would defecate (kukunyena) during labour. Richard Namenda supported the above taboos by saying that:

The truth is that as soon as a woman became preganat, she was taught by elderly women in the village all the necessary taboos that she needed to follow while she was pregnant. Among such was her not eating animal trotters, eating an animal that died during labour and eating sleepover food, especially nshima. It was also not allowed for a pregnant woman to drink anything direct through the container. Failure to observe any of these taboos would either lead to the mother or baby dying.[27]

In addition, pregnant women were also not allowed to sit or stand in the doorway. If they did so, the baby would “stopover” during birth thereby causing a delay in delivery.^[28] Moreover, wrapping a chitenge or any other cloth around the neck or putting on a belt was not permissible to a pregnant woman because it was believed that she would give birth to a baby wrapped with an umbilical cord around its neck. According to Pelekelo Sitali,

No pregnant woman in Imilangu would stand in the doorway because it was a known fact that such an act would make the baby stopover and fail to come out during birth. Furthermore, a well trained woman could not wrape anything around her neck or put on a belt because this would lead to giving birth to a baby wrapped with an umblical cord around its neck.[29]

Whether or not the above taboos had some implications during birth if not followed is a debatable issue among many sections of the Imilangu society. Most of the elderly men and women interviewed still hold these taboos with high esteem. However, the young ones said that those were just fake beliefs. Pelekelo stated that, “the taboos which women followed in the past when they were pregnant were a burden which was not necessary. If they had any implication when not followed, why don’t we experience the consequences today since we don’t follow them?”[30] Pelekelo’s rejection of taboos being true is an indication that the current generation has started loosing hope in taboos. According to Chakrabarti and Chakrabarti, “though traditional avoidances and dietary restrictions are still practiced, the adherence to taboos is slowly diminishing.”[31]

Chuunga questions the taboos followed by pregnant women when he said:

Indeed various myths surrounded pregnancy in most African traditions. Some of these myths are spiritually and logically unfounded. Why cover the pregnant woman with a white cloth and not any other colour? Why wear the beads around the abdomen or ankle and not on any other part of the body? How can mere standing or sitting in the doorway to a house, or seeing a corpse bring about complications during delivery? How can the husband spark off complications in delivery for his wife simply by digging a grave?^[32]

Like Chuunga has put it, it is very difficult in the modern word to believe how failure to follow the above discussed taboos could lead to some complications during childbirth. One may wonder how a pregnant woman who eats eggs can give birth to a child that has no hair on its head. As put by Pelekelo, it is difficult to understand why today’s children are born with hair on their heads despite their mothers eating eggs. In fact, some pregnant mothers develop a lot of appetite for eggs but they don’t give birth to children without hair on their heads. Despite giving birth to a child enclosed in membrane being scientifically normal, the Imilangu considered it to be a result of a pregnant woman eating food tied in a lianda.

Infertility

Despite the fact that most people were blessed with children, there were others who were unfortunate in the sense that no matter what they did they could not have children. Such people were sterile. Chondoka stresses that:

In every society there are men and women who are barren. They are unable to have biological children of their own. If it is a man who is impotent, it means that for some reason, he is incapable of making a woman (who is capable of becoming pregnant) conceive, after sleeping with her several times. If it is a woman who is barren, it means she is incapable of conceiving after sleeping with a man proved to be capable of making a woman pregnant.^[33]

A man who can’t produce children is impotent while a woman is barren (lihuma). Despite having some men who were impotent, in the Imilangu culture it was believed that a man was always fertile. Women were the ones that were perceived to be barren. According to Ngulube, “the issue of children is so strongly revered that sterility is the worst thing to happen to a man. It is more frustrating for a man to be sterile … than for a woman to be barren.^[34] Mbita posits that, “childlessness is an extremely difficult reality to face. It sometimes leads to a complete breakdown of the marriage and in almost every case, in African societies, it leads to marrying a second wife (even if the husband is the partner who is sterile).”^[35]

In a marriage, if it was proved that it was the man who was infertile, another man (a brother or a cousin to the husband) who was proved to be fertile was secretly chosen to have sex with the wife of the impotent man in order to produce children for him. This scheme was done by elderly men and women without the knowledge of the impotent man. The wife to the impotent man and the man who helped the impotent man were seriously warned never to disclose this top secret. If by chance the woman conceived and had a child, it meant that the shame that was to be on the impotent man was removed. Commenting on this secret, Headman Muhongo said:

If a newly married couple stayed for a year or more without a child, the whole village was made to panic. Means and ways to determine if the man was fertile or not were instituted. The man’s sperms were collected and put in water. If they floated in the water, it meant the man was not fertile. However, if the sperms sunk, it meant that the he was fertile. If it was proved that the man was not fertile, he was given traditional medicine to help him become fertile. If the traditional medicine could not help, another man was organised privately to sleep with the impotent man’s wife for her to become pregnant. We have a lot of men in Imilangu who were helped like this to have children. Some of them could know after sometime that someone else produced children for them while others completely never knew that the children they had were not theirs^[36]

The causes of infertility were explained differently by the respondents. Four major factors were believed to cause barrenness namely; witchcraft (uloci), non-functioning sexual parts (kuimana misinga), god (mulimu) and diseases (matuku). Some of the respondents believed that some men and women who could not produce children had been bewitched. Richard Namenda stated that witches and wizards had the power to bewitch someone such that he/she could not produce children.^[37] Apart from witchcraft, some interviewees stated that some people were barren simply because some of their reproductive organs were not working. In line with this, Bernard Sitali underscored that:

Some of the men you see in our villages have penises which cannot erect. On the other hand, some women have vaginas which are closed up such that they spill out the sperms after a man has ejaculated. People with these complications are there even when they are not bewitched. Their failure to produce children could have been caused by eating food which was prohibited.^[38]

In line with Bernard Sitali, Strike asserts that no unmarried women could eat eggs, as the belief was that if they ate them they will be barren.^[39] The elderly men and women strictly made sure that no unmarried women were allowed at any point to eat eggs. Ngulube adds that impotency and barrenness are highly dreaded in matrilineal societies and so any taboo related to the idea of not having children is kept strictly. The only time women were allowed to eat eggs was after they had their firstborn child.^[40]

The other reason that made some people to be barren was god’s design. As earlier mentioned, some people in Imilangu believe that children were a gift from the gods. This therefore entails that as long as the gods had not allowed one to have children, there was nothing that could be done to correct the situation. Finally, Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs) were also brought out as a cause for barrenness. Headman Muhongo stressed that STDs like gonorrhea (mushongo) have the power to stop someone from producing children if medication is not done in good time.^[41] Headman Muhongo’s point of view was very valid as it is proven scientifically that if one suffers from some sexually transmitted infections and he/she does not seek early medical attention he/she may fail to produce children.

Being barren or impotent did not mean the end of the world as there were men and women who could correct this situation. There were good medicine men and women in Imilangu who could give medicine to someone who was proved beyond reasonable doubt that he/she was not able to produce children and after taking the medication they were able to have children. These medicine men and women used trees to treat barrenness or impotence. In support of the view that barrenness or impotence could be treated locally, Patson Mungela stated that, “it is unfortunate that the knowledge in medicine our parents had is long gone with them. We had men here who were able to give medicine to a barren woman and within a month or two she could become pregnant. Only barrenness that was as a result of god’s design was irreversible.”^[42]

Despite living together with those who had children, the barren were in most cases not treated well in society. A man or woman who could not have children was a laughing stock in society. He/she was believed to have done something wrong for him/her to fail to have children. Magesa expounds that “… a failure to conceive can have disastrous consequences both to society and to the world environment in which the society lives.^[43] Despite the community encouraging the barren to be free if they needed help from a child in the village, the barren did not appear to be very free when it came to sending other people’s children to do some tasks for them. Headman Muhongo noted that:

The barren asked for help from others’ children with some reservations as it was observed that they could at times fail to call a child to help them. It had to take the father or mother to the child to send him/her to go and help the barren. Children could also refuse to be sent by the barren in our villages.^[44]

The last noticeable time of discrimination to the barren or impotent was during their burial. Before they were put in the coffin (shaala), a piece of charcoal was put in their anus and the words oce ocelele waka kahuka kuno kowa shishiyako mwana (lit. go for good, don’t come back because you haven’t left any child here) were spoken by the one who put the charcoal in the anus of the barren. The dead was told this because of the belief that when one dies they still come back to visit the living. In this scenario, it was believed that if the barren was not told to go for forever he/she would come back to trouble people in the village since he/she did not leave any child. Gehman adds that in preparing the body of a barren woman for disposal, a stick of appropriate size was placed in the vagina to remain there permanently in order to prevent barrenness from flowing out through the vigina into the vagina of another woman.^[45]

Labour

The time of labour was the most crucial moment in childbearing because it determined whether the child would be born alive or dead, lame or not, and so on and so forth. In simple terms, delivery was a point of death and life. Anything was possible at this point to both the mother and the child. Traditionally, as soon as a woman was in her last two months of her pregnancy, she was taken to her close relatives – especially if it was the first pregnancy. In line with this, Chuunga states that the first pregnancy needed to be attended to by a close relative, usually the mother or the aunt.^[46]

Before the establishment of Lukona Mission in 1905, the Imilangu never knew that there were people that were trained to handle maternity cases. Women in the area delivered in the presence of other women known as traditional birth attendants (TBAs). These women did not undergo any training to enable them to do their job. They used experience to handle all the maternity cases. Some of these women were highly experienced that they could handle complicated maternity challenges. They could be called from one village to the other to assist women with delivery problems. Mbiti underscores this point by highlighting that in traditional African village, there are always women who are called upon to assist as midwives when the time for delivery arrives. Some are experienced and may have assisted in the delivery of up to fifty or more babies in their area.^[47]

Other than not being trained, the TBAs were not paid for the services they offered to the community. Despite abandoning their own work to assist pregnant mothers, they never demanded for any payment from the people they helped. It was up to the family to the husband or the lady who was helped to appreciate the TBAs by giving them nshima which was eaten together with other women. TBAs were also given some cobs of maize, cassava, sweet potatoes or anything available as appreciation. This was however not considered in any way as payment for the work done. Even if they were not given anything, TBAs never complained or felt unhappy for not being given a gift after they had helped someone to deliver. When asked to give reasons why TBAs did not charge for their services, Lukupa Simasiku stated that, “it is my duty to help other women deliver successfully. This job is a gift that I was freely given by god so that I can in turn give it freely to others. This is the reason I don’t charge.”^[48]

However, there were some incidences where a Specialist Traditional Birth Attendant (STBA) would be needed during labour. For example, if the placenta could not come out after the child was delivered, it meant that a STBA had to be invited because not all TBAs could manage to bring out a placenta. The failure by the placenta to come out was called kuikala pashitondo (lit. sitting on the tree) in Imilangu. STBAs who were invited under these circustances demanded for payment of a clay pot, wooden plates or anything else. With the introduction of animals in the area, STBAs demanded for payment of an animal or anything equivalent after helping to remove a placenta from a woman. When asked to explain why STBAs charged for their services, Angelina Milelo explained that, “removing a placenta was not an ordinary service like helping someone to deliver. When a placenta failed to come out it meant a woman was more on the side of death than life. Therefore, I charge people because I give them life.”^[49]

During childbirth the TBAs used their experience to see a successful delivery. As soon as the child was born and it was proved that it was alive, the mothers present in the house ululated (kuyeyumwena) giving a signal to the people that a child was born. Other women who were not part of the team that helped the woman to deliver also joined in ululating. Chuunga supports this by stating that, “as soon as the baby was born, women present in the delivery room ululated. Ululation is still a symbol of joy in Africa. Wherever you hear people ululate, there is an event of joy.”^[50] Just like Chuunga has put it, among the Imilangu ululating was a sign of happiness done by women only and not men.

Immediately a baby was born, one of the old women prepared small nshima which was put on a sharpening stone (shiwe) and then the mother to the child was given to eat the nshima by picking it from the sharpening stone using her mouth. This was done to prevent the child form dying. This process was called kuhumununa – meaning allowing her to start eating food. According to Nyambe Susiku, “if kuhumununa was not done, the mother would not eat any food because if she did so, it was believed that her child would die.”^[51] Apart from preventing the child from dying, it was believed that kuhumununa was done to make the child strong just like the stone where the mother ate the food from.

The day a child was born was a happy day for everyone in the village. Men organised their drums (mangoma)and xylophones (ilimba) and there was kayowe dance the whole night until the following morning. The following day was a holiday and no one went out for work. Food was organised and the whole village came to eat together as they celebrated the birth of the newly born baby. The mother to the child was kept in the house and was not allowed to move around until the umbilical cord fell off. The only time she was allowed to go out of her house was when she wanted to answer the call of nature. The process of keeping a mother in the house until the umbilical cord fell off was called shiyopu. While she was still in shiyopu, she was not allowed to do any work because she was considered to be unclean. Chondoka expands that:

Traditionally, after childbirth, the woman is forbidden to put salt into any relish. She is considered not fit to do that, because she is culturally unclean. If she has children at home, they will be the ones she will be asking to put an already measured amount of salt in the relish at an appropriate time.^[52]

No woman attending her monthly period or anyone who had sex was allowed to see the child before its umbilical cord fell off. No one was allowed to go for farming the day the umbilical cord fell off. All the restrictions discussed here were meant for the well-being of the child. If any of the restrictions was not followed, the child would fall sick and eventually would die.

Other than the restrictions or taboos above, there was medication that was prepared for the newly born baby to protect it from people that had evil intentions. Chuunga expands this view by outlining that, “in African tradition, there was a lot of fear over a newly born baby’s safety from evil spirits and charms. Traditionally, it was believed that babies were “hot cakes” for those practicing witchcraft. As such, elders ensured that the baby was well protected from it.”^[53]

The first thing to be done just after a baby was born was to fill up a small calabash (shipumbu) with different traditional medicines. A shipumbu with traditional medicine prepared for a newly born baby was called lunganja. The child was given the traditional medicine three times a day. As soon as the umbilical cord fell off, more traditional medicine to be put on the body was prepared. The child was tied with some traditional medicine around the wrists, legs, neck and the waist. With traditional medicine all over the body, the child was considered to be fully protected from harm and danger. After this was done, women who were on their monthly period and those who had sex were now free to touch the child.

As soon as the umbilical cord fell off from a newly born baby, seclusion came to an end. However, before the child could be taken out, its hair was cut. According to Mbiti, “at the occasion of introducing the child to society, the baby’s hair is often shaved. This is a sign of purification, separation and newness. It shows that anything bad is cut off, since it is shaved away with the old hair.”^[54] Immediately the hair was shaved, the mother was free to take the child out of the house. Unlike other traditions where feasting, eating, dancing … followed the bringing out of the child,^[55] among the Imilangu people only celebrated the day the child was born and not when it was brought out.

CONCLUSION

The article has deliberated on a number of themes in relation with childbearing among the Imilangu. Four philosophies of child conception have been discussed. A deeper understand on the beliefs of the Imilangu concerning child conception has been examined under the four philosophies of child conception. Moreover, some taboos that were followed by expectant mothers have been discussed. The toboos covered in this article were to do with food, work, marital faithfulness and others. Infertility is yet another crucial theme under childbearing discussed in this article. Four factors have been discussed as leading to barrenness. These are witchcraft, non-functioning sexual parts, god and diseases. The article concluded with a discussion on labour. Prominently under labour, the article discussed the role played by Traditional Birth Attendants and Specialist Traditional Birth Attendant during childbirth.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Oral Interviews

1. Lukupa Simasiku, Nkrumah Extension-Kabwe, 22^nd April, 2017.
2. Milelo Angelina, Sihendo Village, 1^st July, 2018.
3. Mulilo Nosiku, Itezhi tezhi, 17^th August, 2017.
4. Mungela Patson, Lulang’unyi Village, 24^thJune, 2018.
5. Mutuso Moses (Headman Muhongo), Sihendo Village, 17^th June, 2018.
6. Namenda Richard, Sihendo Village, 19^th July, 2018.
7. Nyambe Susiku, (Headman Ndelwa), Sishosho Village, 30^th November, 2016.
8. Silenga Mushiba (Former Headman Sikombwa), Lyasimu Village, 28^th October, 2016.
9. Sitali Bernard, Sihendo Village, 21^st June, 2018.
10. Sitali Pelekelo, Kalabo Boma, 29^th November, 2018.

Journals

1. Chakrabarti Sreetama and Chakrabarti Abhik, ‘Food Taboos in Pregnancy and Early Lactation Among Women Living in a Rural Area of West Bengal’, Journal of Family Medicine and Primary Care, Vol. 8, No. 1, (2019), pp. 86-90.
2. Zinyemba, L., ‘Understanding Maternal Health Care through the Role Played by Dietary Food Taboos in Binga’. Afr J Soc Work. 2020; 10 (1), pp. 16-23.

Dissertations

1. Sumbwa, G. N. ‘A History of the Luyana of Kalabo to 1906’, M.A. Thesis, University of Zambia, 1979.

Internet Sources

2. Available from: http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/taboo. [Accessed on 21^st March, 2025].

Secondary Sources

Books

3. Chondoka, Y., A History of the Tumbuka and Senga in Chama District, 1470 to 1900. Lusaka: Academic Press, 2007.
4. Chuunga, Daniel, Enjoying your Marriage: African Secrets on Marriage, Vol. 1. Lusaka: Zambia Adventist Press Ltd., 2012.
5. Gehman, J., Richard, African Traditional Religion in Biblical Perspectives. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers Ltd., 2000.
6. Magesa, L., African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life. Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 1998.
7. Mbiti, S., John, Introduction to African Religion, Second Edition. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers Ltd., 1991.
8. Ngulube, M.J., Naboth, Some Aspects of Growing Up in Zambia. Lusaka: Nalinga Consultancy/Sol-Consultancy A/S Limited, 1989.
9. Strike, D.W., Barotseland: Eight Years Among the Barotse. New York: Negro University Press, 1969.

FOOTNOTE

[1] G.N. Sumbwa, ‘A History of the Luyana of Kalabo to 1906’, M.A. Thesis, University of Zambia, 1979, p. 75.

[2] L. Magesa, African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life (Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 1998), p. 82.

[3] Daniel Chuunga, Enjoying your Marriage: African Secrets on Marriage, vol. 1. (Lusaka: Zambia Adventist Press Ltd., 2012), p. 122.

[4] John, S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Second Edition (Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers Ltd., 1991), p. 87.

[5] Naboth M.J. Ngulube, Some Aspects of Growing Up in Zambia (Lusaka: Nalinga Consultancy/Sol-Consultancy A/S Limited, 1989), pp. 20-21.

[6] Interview with Moses Mutuso, (Headman Muhongo) on 25^thJune, 2018.

[7] Interview with Nosiku Mulilo on 17^th August, 2017.

[8] Interview with Moses Mutuso, (Headman Muhongo) on 25^thJune, 2018.

[9] Interview with Moses Mutuso, (Headman Muhongo) on 25^thJune, 2018.

[10] Interview with Mushiba Silenga on 30^th November, 2016.

[11] Interview with Mushiba Silenga on 30^th November, 2016.

[12] Magesa, African Religion, p. 82.

[13] Interview with Simasiku Lukupa on 6^th April, 2017.

[14] Richard, J. Gehman, African Traditional Religion in Biblical Perspectives (Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers Ltd., 2000), p. 58.

[15] Magesa, African Religion, p. 82.

[16] http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/taboo

[17] Sreetama Chakrabarti and Abhik Chakrabarti, ‘Food Taboos in Pregnancy and Early Lactation Among Women Living in a Rural Area of West Bengal’, Journal of Family Medicine and Primary Care, Vol. 8, No. 1, (2019), p. 86.

[18] Ngulube, Some Aspects of Growing Up in Zambia, p. 53.

[19] Ngulube, Some Aspects of Growing Up in Zambia, pp. 22.

[20] Magesa, African Religion, p. 89.

[21] Interview with Richard Namenda on 19^th July, 2018.

[22] Interview with Mushiba Silenga on 30^th November, 2016

[23] L., Zinyemba, Understanding Maternal Health Care Through the Role Played by Dietary Food Taboos in Binga. Afr J Soc Work. 2020; 10 (1), pp. 16–23.

[24] Lianda was a bundle of leaves or grass with food inside tied using fiber. Due to lack of bags where one could put food when going on a journey or when one found some fruits, mushrooms or any other foodstuffs in the bush, a lianda was made to help one carry the foodstuffs.

[25] Interview with Pelekelo Sitali on 29^th November, 2018.

[26] Interview with Pelekelo Sitali on 29^th November, 2018.

[27] Interview with Richard Namenda on 19^th July, 2018.

[28] Chuunga, Enjoying your Marriage, p. 123.

[29] Interview with Pelekelo Sitali on 29^th November, 2018.

[30] Interview with Pelekelo Sitali on 29th November, 2018.

[31] Chakrabarti and Chakrabarti, Journal of Family Medicine and Primary Care, p. 89.

[32] Chuunga, Enjoying your Marriage, p. 124.

[33] Y. Chondoka, A History of the Tumbuka and Senga in Chama District, 1470 to 1900 (Lusaka: Academic Press, 2007), p. 87.

[34] Ngulube, Some Aspects of Growing Up in Zambia, p. 96.

[35] Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, p. 197.

[36] Interview with Moses Mutuso, (Headman Muhongo) on 25^thJune, 2018.

[37] Interview with Richard Namenda on 19^th July, 2018.

[38] Interview with Bernard Sitali on 21^st June, 2018.

[39] D.W. Strike, Barotseland: Eight Years among the Barotse (New York: Negro University Press, 1969), pp. 65-66.

[40] Ngulube, Some Aspects of Growing Up in Zambia, p. 97.

[41] Interview with Moses Mutuso, (Headman Muhongo) on 25^thJune, 2018.

[42] Interview with Patson Mungela on 24^thJune, 2018.

[43] Magesa, African Religion, p. 82.

[44] Interview with Moses Mutuso, (Headman Muhongo) on 25^thJune, 2018.

[45] Gehman, African Traditional Religion in Biblical Perspectives, p. 63.

[46] Chuunga, Enjoying your Marriage, p. 129.

[47] Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, p. 90.

[48] Interview with Simasiku Lukupa on 18^th September, 2016.

[49] Interview with Angelina Milelo on 1^st July, 2018.

[50] Chuunga, Enjoying your Marriage, p. 142.

[51] Interview with Nyambe Susiku on 30^th November, 2016.

[52] Chondoka, A History of the Tumbuka and Senga in Chama District, 1470 to 1900, p. 80.

[53] Chuunga, Enjoying your Marriage, p. 157.

[54] Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, p. 92.

[55] Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, p. 92.