The Rohingya Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh: Geopolitical Implications, Human Security Concerns, and Repatriation Politics

The Rohingya Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh: Geopolitical Implications, Human Security Concerns, and Repatriation Politics

Md. Zaki Faisal

Aspire to Innovate (a2i) Programme, ICT Division, Dhaka, Bangladesh

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.909000359

Received: 25 September 2025; Accepted: 01 October 2025; Published: 11 October 2025

ABSTRACT

Due to persecution, the Rohingya ethnic minority in Myanmar has repeatedly fled into Bangladesh, putting an uneven strain on that country’s meager resources. One million Rohingya refugees are currently being housed in Bangladesh, which raises serious concerns about the safety of the population. Experience has shown that the government of Myanmar has been particularly unwilling to return its nationals, the Rohingya, despite Bangladesh’s government’s aggressive diplomatic efforts on all levels. The Myanmar government has been extremely reluctant to allow the Rohingya to return home despite Bangladesh’s government’s strenuous diplomatic efforts. Giving the Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh the simplest essentials of life, such as food, shelter, and healthcare, has been of the utmost significance until they return to Myanmar. Rohingya refugees face a serious threat from human trafficking. Food and health security are two always shifting challenges that refugees in temporary housing must deal with. Bangladesh is using every professional effort to use the global and the regional power to end in an amicable settlement to this developing calamity, despite India and China supporting Myanmar’s stance on the Rohingya issue. Both countries have a large economic and strategic stake in Myanmar, as we have already mentioned. Even Russia seems to be on Myanmar’s side in this sense. In an effort to persuade Myanmar to send the refugees back, the Bangladeshi government has displayed its diplomatic prowess during the past few months. The United Nations, which has made the decision to be extremely adamant about the effective repatriation of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh, needs to work together with donors and other pertinent stakeholders in order to move forward and come up with a solution to this problem that will remain forever. This resolution was made because the United Nations is decided to be extremely insistent about the meaningful repatriation of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh. This solution can be achieved by applying pressure to the government of Myanmar to take back its citizens by establishing an environment that is safe and secure.

Keywords: Rohingya Community, Forced Migration, Human Security, Geo-political Reality, Politics of Repatriation and Diplomatic Endeavors

INTRODUCTION

Human dignity is reflected in human security. In the post-cold war era, UNDP popularized the phrase “human security,” which focuses on people encountering principles and objectives like “dignity,” “equality,” and “solidarity.” The Rohingya are an ethnic group in Myanmar who, over the course of several decades, have moved into neighboring Bangladesh in order to escape persecution. As a result, Bangladesh’s limited assets are being spread unevenly across the country. The Rohingya crisis has been handled by Myanmar’s civil-military government like a textbook case of ethnic cleansing. Since the 1970s, Bangladesh has been hosting an influx of Rohingya refugees, who now number more than 700,000 (Islam, 2018). Strangely, Bangladesh is currently housing one million Rohingya refugees, which raises severe questions regarding the safety of the populace.

The Myanmar government has shown an incredible amount of reluctance to accept the repatriation of its nationals, the Rohingya, despite the intense diplomatic efforts on all levels that have been made by the Bangladeshi government. Even though it’s unclear whether or not the Rohingya will return to their country in the following days, their stay in Bangladesh may end up lasting longer. Apparently, until the Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh returned to Myanmar, supplying them with the bare necessities of life, such as food, housing, and healthcare, has been of the utmost importance. The plight of the Rohingya people, who have been forced to flee their homes in Bangladesh, has been identified as a potential risk to the country’s internal security.

Human security, without a doubt, has been the growing paradigm for comprehending global risks. The conventional concept of national security is called into question by those who advocate for it, as they contend that the individual, rather than the state, should serve as the ideal referent for security. The goal of human security is to protect each person’s basic life against serious, all-pervasive risks in a way that is consistent with their long-term needs (UNDP, 1994). Human security is modelled after the individual, whose vital center must be safeguarded (Faisal & Ahmed, 2019). Institutions that pledge to safeguard human security won’t be able to advance all facets of well-being for people. This essay prompts and explains to the reader my approach to each with a prediction of our results: 1) How Bangladesh’s social, economic, and cultural stability may be at risk as a result of this humanitarian catastrophe; 2) What are the obstacles to repatriation that the Bangladeshi government is facing? 3) How international community contribute to the repatriation of Rohingya Refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar?

STUDY OBJECTIVES

1. To investigate the disheartening report regarding the dwindling financial support and forlorn repatriation of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar;
2. To understand why the Myanmar government refuses to repatriate Rohingya despite Bangladesh’s diplomatic attempts;
3. To anticipate the possibility of an increase in such incidents, which would deteriorate the social and cultural coherence between local Bengali residents and Rohingya refugees.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. How is Bangladesh attempting to harness global and regional power in order to bring in an acceptable solution to this burgeoning problem, notwithstanding the position of India and China on the side of Myanmar on the Rohingya issue?
2. How is Bangladesh attempting to do this through diplomatic endeavors?
3. This project’s main questions are: what actions does the host government do to protect this people in Bangladesh until they can repatriate?

STUDY METHOD

The study is based on content analysis, and as a result, it carried out a comprehensive review of significant papers, books, and other materials that are relevant to the study issue. A better understanding of the findings of the study can be gained through a better contextualization of the research.

DEFINING FORCED MIGRATION

“Forced migration” refers to induced human movement, such as when individuals are coerced to leave their homes to escape violence, persecution, or human trafficking. The idea also includes situations where people are forced to remain still, like when they are kept in detention centers or refugee camps. Forced migration may occur within the nation-state or outside of it.

With this definition, forced migrants—also designated as “refugees,” “trafficked persons,” “stateless persons,” “asylum seekers,” or “internally displaced persons” (IDPs)—are distinguished from other migrants, such as economic migrants. This term emphasizes the significance of the force driving the travel. However, anthropologists who study forced migration have shown that certain distinctions formed by governments, states, or international organizations are not always true outside of the logics of the institutions that made them. When imposed by the state, these divisions can put migrants’ livelihoods and safety in jeopardy (Karim, 2000).

Researchers that study forced migration do so in order to portray and document the realities of these people and to gain an understanding of the world from their own point of view. In addition to examining the historical context of the displacement, the anthropology of forced migration also looks at how the contact of forced migrants with their various social, economic, cultural, and religious environments leads to cultural change (Richmond, 1994).

Theoretically, an examination of the viewpoints, experiences, and reality of forced migrants allows for fresh perceptions of societal processes including austerity measures, the role that borders play in both society and the global system, in addition to the activities that are carried out by humanitarian organizations. The lives of those who are compelled to migrate are profoundly and concretely impacted by these institutions, societal dynamics, and regulations (Soguk, 1999). Forced migration anthropologists have written about important questions regarding dependency and agency raised by forced migrants’ interactions with external systems and institutions.

HISTORICAL TESTIMONY OF THE INFLOW OF ROHINGYA REFUGEES IN BANGLADESH:

The Rohingya, or Muslim residents of northern Rakhine State, are a minority group in terms of race, language, and religion. They originate from Arakan, which was an independent kingdom until 1784 and is separated from central Myanmar by a mountain range. The current administration refers to it as the Rakhine state. Arakan is home to the Rohingya (Muslims) and Rakhine (Buddhists), two significant ethnic groups (Van Hear, 1998). In Arakan, both races are nearly equally represented. The Rohingya people have their own distinct culture and civilization, and they may trace their origin back to Arabs, Bengalis, Pathans, Moors, Moguls, and certain Indo-Mongoloid people who lived in early Muslim settlements during the 7th century (keep in mind that Islam was initially practiced in the 6th century). However, the Rohingya are also descended from certain Indo-Mongoloid people (Ahmed, 2010).

Although the democratic administration of Premier U Nu (1948–1958) accepted the Rohingya’s demand to a separate ethnic identity during the post–independence period of Burma, the Rohingya remained stateless and were left without a formal nationality after the new military government rejected citizenship in 1962. Since 1978, a significant number of them have been forced to relocate to countries such Bangladesh, India , Pakistan,  Thailand, Malaysia, and Saudi Arabia. Despite being able to relocate to the desired locations, their suffering did not end when they arrived on new beaches (The Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2002). The Rohingya have thus been constrained to a cycle of severe prejudice, emigration, human trafficking, destitution, deportation, extortion, and detention.

Burma was invented by The British East India Company in 1824, and as a result of the Anglo-Burma War, the entire country, including Arakan, was placed under the administration of India. The national integration of Burma’s varied communities did not interest the British during their colonial control. Instead, with its “divide and rule” strategy, those divisions served to extend colonial power. In 1947, at Pang Long, the Nationalist Leader General Aung San called a congress of all ethnic groups (Karim, 2000). All states would get regional autonomy under the condition that they might secede after ten years of independence, it was agreed.

Despite the fact that Prime Minister U Nu had announced Buddhism the official religion of the nation in order to appease the various ethnic groups and the fact that the vast majority of those communities were Buddhists, the constitution immediately sparked ethnic unrest that worsened after 1958. In Arakan, the government replaced many of the Muslim officers who were let go with Buddhists. By 1962, both the military and the civilian administration had disintegrated. The King Dragon offensive, which The Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) launched in 1977 to register citizens and deport those who had entered the country illegally, resulted in significant losses among the Rohingya population (Islam & Khan, 2021).

Around 200,000 Rohingyas fled into Bangladesh in 1978 as a result of the widespread campaign, which had its beginnings in Rakhine State and was followed by violence and brute force (Gain, 1992). Most were compelled to return within 16 months of their arrival as a result of bilateral agreements reached between the governments of Bangladesh and Burma. After food rations were withdrawn to force them to go, 10,000 refugees died, largely women and children, from acute hunger and illness. The existence of the Rohingya as a distinct ethnic community is denied by the state Peace and

The Development Council, sometimes known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), is the governing body of the country. They are not counted as one of Myanmar’s 135 recognized national races because the government does not recognize them. In accordance with the provisions of Section 3 of the Citizenship Law passed in 1982, the Rohingya people are not recognized as a national ethnic group, and as a result, they do not qualify for full citizenship. The only information that is included on the family list are the members’ names and their birthdates. Because it is possible that it will not mention the location of the birth, it effectively bans individuals from presenting the definitive proof of birth in Myanmar that is required to comply with the law that was passed in 1982.

Thus, in reality, the Rohingya’s theoretical right to citizenship is useless. Since it was passed shortly after the Rohingya who had fled to Bangladesh in 1978 were brought back home, the 1982 statute was actually created specifically to deny them the right to nationality (Human Rights Watch, 2012). Thus, the Rohingya issue, a non-traditional crisis that strains bilateral ties between Bangladesh and Myanmar, makes the human security dilemma clear.

DISCUSSION

Issues of Human Security

It is clear that at than 500,000 Rohingya people have fled their homes since the crisis began on August 24, 2017. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), The Rohingya crisis has been handled by Myanmar’s civil-military government like a textbook case of ethnic cleansing. Since the 1970s, Bangladesh has been hosting an influx of Rohingya refugees, who now number more than 500,000.

Figure 1: Illustration of the Rohingya migrant population based on Upazila in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.

Strangely, Bangladesh is currently housing one million Rohingya refugees, which raises severe questions regarding the safety of the populace. Experience reveals that despite Bangladesh’s government’s vigorous diplomatic efforts on all levels, the Myanmar government has been particularly reticent to return its citizens, the Rohingya (Lewis, 2018). It appears that the Rohingya’s return to their country of origin will be uncertain in the days to come, and that they may stay in Bangladesh for an extended period of time. As far as we could tell, providing them with the bare necessities of life—food, housing, and healthcare—has been a top priority both now and throughout the time leading up to the return of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar (Islam & Khan, 2021).

The Rohingya minority is suffering from a pitiful lack of human security as a result of their protracted stay. Human trafficking poses a tremendous threat to the Rohingya refugees, who are already severely marginalized (Chandan, 2021). It is obvious that transnational human trafficking gangs are actively considering how to exploit the Rohingya’s vulnerability in this situation. United Nations (UN) agencies operating in Bangladesh have made a plea to the international community for sufficient funding to give the Rohingya population the necessities of life, citing the persistent Rohingya issue as a possible threat to human security. According to various nations that have taken in refugees throughout numerous humanitarian crises, if the refugee crisis persists, international support will eventually decline (UNICEF, 2019). In these circumstances, the severe financial burden of providing humanitarian aid to the refugees falls on the host Bangladesh.

The refugee-designated places are close to the locals’ communities because they are generally located in Teknaf-Bazar Cox’s regions. They had a lot of awkward encounters in the past, which led to law-and-order issues. The possibility of similar incidents occurring more frequently in the future and worsening the local social and cultural harmony between the locals and the Rohingya refugees increases with the number of refugees housed close to the settlements of the native inhabitants (Zamir, 2022). Another issue Bangladesh is currently dealing with is security concerns, particularly unconventional security (human security), which will only get worse in the future as more and more Rohingya migrants arrive. The Bangladeshi government has received praise for providing them with a range of amenities, such as housing, food, and medical support despite having challenges and limitations (Uddin, 2018).

The ever-changing issues facing refugees in their makeshift homes have been food and health security (Sikder & Faisal, 2020). People’s shelters are in such a sad condition because of how dangerous and unsustainable this way of life is (Islam, et al., 2024). Repairing and restoring the damaged shelters should be a top priority for the humanitarian community operating in Cox’s Bazar so that people can at least have some basic comfort and dignity and protection from the weather. The Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) along with the civil government, elected officials, and the general populace, is giving the Rohingya the essential services they require (Islam, 2017).

It would appear that food insecurity is becoming more widespread among the Rohingya refugees who have fled to Bangladesh. This has resulted in malnutrition within the refugee population, and if the food crisis is not promptly remedied, more Rohingya children could even be put in potentially life-threatening situations. It is essential to keep in mind that the domestic consumption of food grains is a requirement for the nation. The Rohingya are receiving the assistance that they require from a variety of sources, including the armed forces, the police, the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), and the RAB, as well as the civil administration, people’s representatives, and the general people. Multiple measures have been implemented by the government of Bangladesh to address the Rohingya crisis. Included in these measures is the shifting of Rohingya refugees to secure areas within Bangladesh.

In terms of economic security, the market equilibrium would be threatened by the mass exodus of Rohingya from Bangladesh. Given that there will be more workers than there are jobs available, the labor market in Bangladesh could become unstable. People without jobs will use any means required to survive, and this kind of unhealthy competition on the job market poses a severe threat to social cohesion. The Rohingya refugees may still face significant obstacles due to cultural differences in their attempts to engage in other related interactions. Language, in my opinion, has been the most difficult aspect of adapting to the new situation, which is why the children of these settlers have been suffering from a self-imposed barrier to receiving an education. The camps’ current public health conditions are inadequate as a result of recent past COVID (Coronavirus Disease) pandemic and inadequate health facilitation (Islam & Faisal, 2024).

According to a recent article in the Daily Star, a multinational human trafficking organization targeted the Rohingya from 2012 to 2015. Fortify Rights, a nongovernmental rights organization, and the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) conducted a joint inquiry into human trafficking in Thailand and Malaysia that lasted for six years and resulted in the discovery of evidence. A time series investigation found that between the years of 2012 and 2015, more than 170,000 people embarked ships in Myanmar and Bangladesh heading for Malaysia and Thailand. It is believed that the Rohingya trafficking produced between $50 and $100 million annually (Palma, 2019). This reveals the grave dangers that Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh face to their personal safety.

According to the report on the Rohingya Crisis and Response that was organized by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and published by the Inter Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), the Bangladeshi Immigration and Passports Office has biometrically registered 971,627 persons (UNDP, 2018). Bangladesh is anticipated to confront significant issues with the influx of Rohingya refugees in the following locations, given the appalling conditions of human security at the Rohingya refugee camps:

• Employment pressure; decline in daily pay and cost of living
• Years of lost education for both Rohingya and Local communities
• Health issues affecting both locals and Rohingya
• Deforestation, loss of ecosystem diversity, and natural disasters (landslides)
• Immoral behavior (prostitution, human trafficking and drug etc.)

COVID-19 and Preparation in the Rohingya Camps

Due to the area’s high population density, Rohingyas and the host populations in Cox’s Bazar were probably among those who were most vulnerable to the Covid-19 pandemic. The Rohingya refugee population in Bangladesh now has four confirmed cases of COVID-19 infection. The local government has taken stern action and placed about 5,000 Rohingyas at the camp under total lockdown after confirmation of COVID patients. The Government of Bangladesh, in collaboration with UNHCR and other partners, has made sure that Rohingya refugees are taken into account in its national response in order to mitigate the dangers of a potential coronavirus outbreak in the camps. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners have begun construction on isolation and treatment facilities in order to meet their goal of providing 1,900 beds to accommodate refugees and asylum seekers.

It is critical to concentrate on the next tornado and rainfall seasons while COVID-19 avoidance and readiness work is ongoing. We must do all in our power to prevent the potential spread of the disease and the upcoming storm season from worsening the already incredibly helpless situation of the Rohingya exiles in Bangladesh. Even while it’s critical to get general health-related procedures in place in the camps straight away, tornado and rainy readiness drills should continue.

The Repatriation efforts and the relocation to Bhasan Char must be persistent

After about 750,000 Rohingyas escaped a harsh military crackdown in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, Bangladesh made genuine efforts to begin the repatriation of Rohingya refugees, however it has been more than three years and these efforts have been unsuccessful. The fact that there are around one million Rohingya people living in a relatively small area indicates that their presence has become dangerous. Because of this, the local way of life, environment, and socioeconomic condition have all been put in jeopardy (Haque, et al., 2023). In addition, there are concerns regarding safety in the overcrowded camps (Islam, 2021).

Earlier, in a response to a question, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. AK Abdul Momen, had indicated that the public authority would not force Rohingya people to travel to Bhasan Char. He had mentioned this in a statement. According to the minister, the public authority is not coercively transporting Rohingyas to Bhasan Char; rather, they are transporting those individuals who are content to travel to Bhasan Char. They have made the decision to travel to Bhasan Char of their own accord and with full awareness.

The United Nations and a variety of rights organizations have made the claim that they have limited access to data regarding the process that has been going on, and that the authorities still do not appear to be able to authorize a specialist committee to examine the viability of the lodging project in Bhasan Char. In addition, the United Nations stated that any movement should be done on a voluntarily basis, and that all essential steps, in addition to safety precautions about the relocation, ought to be taken.

In light of the current situation, the United Nations and the rest of the international community should express their gratitude to the government of Bangladesh for its unceasing efforts to provide a safe and peaceful living environment for the Rohingya people who have been displaced, as well as for its stepped-up diplomatic efforts to facilitate their dignified return to Myanmar.

Despite the fact that China and India have taken the side of Myanmar with regard to the Rohingya issue, Bangladesh has been making every effort since the very beginning of the growing crisis to encourage the regional and global powers to terminate this crisis through an amicable solution. Bangladesh is doing this despite the fact that China and India are on the side of Myanmar. We have observed that both nations have geopolitical and economic interests in Myanmar; as a result, they have refrained from criticizing the current government because of these interests. Even Russia displays some degree of compassion toward Myanmar with regard to this subject.

The diplomatic efforts that the Bangladeshi government has been making for the past few months to convince Myanmar to accept the refugees’ return have been fraught with challenges. Despite Bangladesh’s best diplomatic efforts, it appears that the country’s administration may not be able to send all of them back in a single batch, despite the fact that the situation is currently dire. As a consequence of this, we could be forced to come up with some long-term solutions in order to deal with the increase in population in Bangladesh.

At this time, Bangladesh is of the opinion that the actual solution to the Rohingya crisis is the organized and compassionate return of the refugees to their homes in Bangladesh. A permanent refugee population is detrimental to the health of the people of Bangladesh; accordingly, the democratic government of Bangladesh has been working to find a solution to this issue while keeping the needs of refugees and other people in mind.

As a result of Bangladesh and India’s ongoing efforts to strengthen their relations in the areas of politics, economics, trade, and culture, as well as their construction of a comprehensive institutional framework to foster bilateral cooperation over the course of several decades, India needs to take the initiative to work together with the Bangladeshi government in order to expeditiously repatriate Rohingya refugees. We anticipate that China will stand by Bangladesh’s side as they work to resolve this protracted situation.

Therefore, Bangladesh has made an effort, beginning from the very beginning, to maintain the topic of repatriation on the agenda of international organizations. Diplomats from Bangladesh have spent the better part of the past year trying to find a solution to the Rohingya crisis and attempting to bring the matter to the attention of the global community in an effort to keep ‘Rohingya repatriation’ a top priority. Her goals include finding a solution to the problem and highlighting the issue to the international community. Regardless of whether or not there is a change in leadership in Myanmar, as is the situation at the present time in the aftermath of the military coup that deposed the government of Aung San Suu Kyi, it is vital that the process of repatriation be maintained.

At the same time, the United Nations needs to put diplomatic pressure on Myanmar in order to enforce the recommendation that was made by the Annan Commission. As was suggested by the then Prime Minister of Bangladesh, The United Nations Security Council needs to organize an appearance to the Rohingya refugee camps and put pressure on the government of Myanmar to create ‘safe zones’ for people of all different origins in the areas of Myanmar that are now experiencing turmoil. The Prime Minister of Bangladesh was the one who proposed this concept to the government. For the benefit of humanity, the global community needs to take the necessary acts as quickly as possible for the peaceful repatriation of the Rohingya people in order to promote the cause of maintaining peace and tranquility in the region.

Geo-political Interests, National Security Concern and Diplomatic Efforts

Despite China and India supporting Myanmar’s position on the Rohingya issue, Bangladesh is making all possible efforts, in a competent manner, to harness both international and regional power in order to bring about an acceptable resolution to this unfolding calamity. We have noted that both nations have a significant economic and strategic stake in Myanmar. Even though Russia has no significant geopolitical interests in Myanmar, Moscow’s stance on the matter at the UN may displease some of its Muslim friends, such as Iran. Unexpectedly, since the beginning of this year, at least 1,300 Muslims from the Rohingya ethnic group have entered Bangladesh from India due to their fear of being sent back to Myanmar (Islam, 2019).

The Bangladeshi government has demonstrated its diplomatic experience throughout the months in an endeavor to get Myanmar to return the refugees. The truth, however, reveals that despite its best diplomatic efforts, the Bangladeshi government may not be able to return every single one of them at once. In order to deal with this increased population in Bangladesh, we can consider various long-term solutions.

The Rohingya people were allegedly sent back to potentially dangerous conditions in Buddhist-majority Myanmar by India, in violation of international law, according to the UN. Winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, Amartya Sen said that Muslims are our neighbors and unquestionably deserve the same level of compassion as non-Muslim minorities who had experience difficulties in their neighboring countries. He was troubled by the policies that had been implemented over the course of the preceding several years, which he believed had been a contributing factor in the growth of an environment of intolerance.

Bangladesh’s security is being put at risk by the Rohingya crisis, so Myanmar, Bangladesh, China, India, and other nearby nations should work together to find a solution. Bangladesh’s security is being compromised by the Rohingya problem, so Myanmar, Bangladesh, China, India, and other nearby nations should work together to find a solution. Although the problem is currently isolated to Bangladesh, it is anticipated that, if it is not resolved as soon as feasible, it will soon become a regional security threat (Islam, 2021). It is also thought that because of their proximity to the border, foreign terrorists who enter India illegally to commit acts of terrorism will have a place to base themselves or use as a transit hub.

Over the past few months, the government of Bangladesh has been attempting to use diplomatic channels to persuade Myanmar to return the refugees to Bangladesh. However, it is highly unlikely that they will be successful in doing so as soon as it is practically possible to do so. Despite widespread concerns that they would be confined in harsh detention facilities where they would experience further physical and psychological abuse, Myanmar and Bangladesh came to an agreement in late 2017 to return more than 100,000 of Rohingya refugees in full within two years. The agreement came in spite of the fact that these refugees will likely face additional physical and psychological abuse (UNHCR, 2019).

The British-drafted resolution might be in Bangladesh’s favour because it forewarns that the UN Security Council may consider additional measures, including as penalties, if sufficient progress is not attempted by Myanmar toward repatriation. Antonio Guterres, the UN Secretary General says that India can help resolve the problem by supporting Bangladesh in receiving humanitarian aid and by using its clout in Myanmar to promote peace.

“Our commitment is there in resolving the matter and to return the displaced persons as soon as feasible,” said Harsh Vardhan Shringla, the former Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh. He praised the Bangladeshi administration for doing a “pretty excellent job” in handling the situation. Even Bangladesh called for China, Russia, India, and Japan to play a positive role in addressing the Rohingya problem in April 2018. Over the course of many years, Bangladesh and India have worked to build an extensive institutional framework that would facilitate their bilateral cooperation. At the same time, they have worked to continue to develop the political, economic, and cultural links that bind them together. India must step forward to work with the Bangladeshi government to expeditiously repatriate Rohingya refugees.

Early in July 2019, the then Prime Minister of Bangladesh paid a visit to China, and it was successful because China gave Bangladesh the assurance that it would support Bangladesh in the repatriation of the Rohingya (Islam, 2021). Through bilateral talks with the Myanmar government and its leaders, they persuaded them to support Bangladesh in resolving the Rohingya situation. On August 22, 2019, a second attempt to begin the repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar failed since no refugees expressed a desire to return to Arakan (The Daily Star, 2021). They have once more sought citizenship, with the right to travel at will and access to all opportunities. Refugees have every right to fear for their safety if they travel to Myanmar because it has not yet addressed the systemic persecution and violence against the Rohingya. It is now abundantly evident that the government of Myanmar needs to solve the fundamental issues with equal rights and ensure that every individual in the Rakhine State is able to live in safety, have accessibility to basic utilities, and pursue opportunities for livelihood.

In addition to a speech at the United Nations General Assembly, the then prime minister of Bangladesh, took part in a high-level side discussion on the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar that was organized by the Permanent Mission of Bangladesh and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Secretariat at Conference (The Daily Star, 2021). The speech of the then prime minister of Bangladesh to the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and informed the world’s leaders of the current situation. During the speech, a fresh set of four recommendations had been set for how the Rohingya issue should be resolved. In light of the fact that India and Bangladesh have, over the course of many years, constructed a comprehensive institutional framework to facilitate bilateral cooperation and have continued to strengthen their political, economic, commercial, and cultural ties, India must take the initiative to collaborate with the government of Bangladesh in order to hasten the return of Rohingya refugees (Zamir, 2017). We also anticipate China will continue supporting Bangladesh to end this protracted.

The Rohingya are an ethnic group in Myanmar who, over the course of several decades, have moved into neighboring Bangladesh in order to escape persecution. As a result, Bangladesh’s scarce resources are being spread unevenly across the country. Around one million Rohingya refugees are currently being hosted in Bangladesh, underscoring the grave anxiety for human security. Despite Bangladesh’s government’s vigorous diplomatic efforts to repatriate its citizens, the Rohingya, the Myanmar government has been highly hesitant to do so. Until the Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh return to Myanmar, providing them with the bare necessities of life, such as shelter, food and healthcare, has been of the utmost importance. Human trafficking poses a severe threat to Rohingya refugees. The ever-changing issues facing refugees in their makeshift homes are food and health security (The Daily Star, 2022). Additionally, there is a chance that these incidents would occur more frequently, which would worsen the already precarious social and cultural coexistence of locals and Rohingya refugees.

Environmental degradation is becoming more evident as a result of the refugees’ relocation to locations near hills and forests (Haque, et al., 2025). It is admirable that Bangladesh has maintained diplomatic pressure on Myanmar to allow the return of Rohingya refugees (Islam, 2021). The UN has been found to be highly adamant about the need for the meaningful return of Rohingya refugees.  Bangladesh is steadfastly working with national and international donors along with other related stakeholders to come forward and find a permanent solution to this issue by creating pressure on the Myanmar government to return its compatriots by establishing a safe and secure environment. The UN is determined to enforce the Annan Commission’s recommendation by creating diplomatic influence on Myanmar.

The plight of Rohingya repatriation and the Military interference in Myanmar

One of the most worrisome signals that has emerged as a result of recent events in Myanmar is that a certain amount of rising paranoia can be vividly witnessed among the general Burmese population. This trend has been accelerated by the revanchist thirst for power that has been displayed by Myanmar’s military. This is placing pressure on the influence possessed by Myanmar’s political “elites,” and it is causing the government there to break free from the snares of Western democracy and political control. The coup is creating a sense of losing control over Myanmar’s ability to respond to pandemics, and it’s probable that it could hasten the progression of economic issues the country is already experiencing. Aung Sung and her government have become more of a threat in the Asia-Pacific region’s political environment as a result of the Rohingya humanitarian catastrophe and subsequent financial troubles. This is especially troubling given the degree to which anti-foreign sentiment already permeates Myanmar’s political spectrum.

The convergence of Aung Sung Suu Kyi’s personal qualities and her public presence may be seen in the downfall of democracy in Myanmar, which occurred at the same time as the fall of her government. And the world community has already come to unfavorable conclusions about it due to the measures taken by the Suu Kyi government in Rakhine about the systematic oppression of the Rohingya population since 2010. Since the country took its initial moves towards democratization in the early 2010s, it is a well-established reality that the authority of Suu Kyi’s government has been substantially constrained. This is a fact that is well recognized. Despite this, the military bears an equal share of blame, if not a greater share, for the calamity that has unfolded in Rakhine. Concessions made by certain politicians and the ability of the military dictatorship to agitate and convince the people in support of authoritarian retrenchment are, of course, partly to blame. The capacity of the military administration to organize and persuade the general populace in favor of authoritarian retrenchment is another important factor to consider.

The Rohingya people are being supplied with the necessities of life, like as food and shelter, in the makeshift refugee communities that Bangladesh has established for them. In addition, the provision of medical care has been the top priority not only at the present time but also for the remainder of the time until the Rohingya refugees who have fled to Bangladesh from Myanmar return home. Human trafficking poses a significant threat to Rohingya refugees who have been forced to flee their homes. In the makeshift housing situations where refugees are residing, the concerns regarding health security and food security are constantly evolving. There is a possibility that the number of incidents of this kind may continue to rise, further disrupting the social and cultural harmony that exists between the residents of Bengal and the Rohingya refugees who have taken asylum there.

In light of the fact that Myanmar is presently through a period of political upheaval and democratic void, the decision that Bangladesh has made to strengthen the border is really commendable. On the border, we ought to beef up both our forces and our surveillance efforts. If the government of Bangladesh took a firm and unequivocal stance, the likelihood that the United States and other European nations would make hasty efforts to find ways to remove the democratic vacuum in Myanmar would increase significantly. At this moment in time, Bangladesh ought to take a stern position that is dynamic and well-coordinated in order to stem the influx of Rohingya people. We will make progress towards our goal of restoring the Rohingya people’s rights if we proceed in this manner. The process of repatriation, which has been sponsored by the United Nations, is at risk of being halted for at least a year at this point. Despite the fact that China and India are taking the side of Myanmar with regard to the Rohingya issue, Bangladesh has made every effort possible, from a professional standpoint, to harness regional and global power in order to find an equitable solution to this developing crisis. Both countries appear to have a significant interest, both economically and strategically, in Myanmar, which we have observed. Even Russia appears to have Myanmar’s best interests in mind regarding this matter.

The government of Bangladesh has gained experience over the past few months as they have unveiled their diplomatic efforts in the hopes of convincing Myanmar to allow the refugees to return home. The fact of the matter is, however, that it appears unlikely that the government of Bangladesh will be successful in sending all of them back even in a single attempt using the highest diplomatic skill. As a result, we ought to give some consideration to the possibility of coming up with some long-term responses to the growing population in Bangladesh.

There is an unmistakable connection between the cost of rice and the upheaval experienced by the Rohingya people. Rakhine has one of the world’s highest potentials for rice production due to its fertile soil and long growing season. The Myanmar Army’s pattern of human rights violations conducted against other minorities in other parts of their country is notably different from what happened to the Rohingya people in Rakhine as a result of this reason. A significant rise in the number of violations of human rights committed by the Tatmadaw occurred during the harvest season, when rice prices were more manageable. This demonstrates that economic concerns were a contributing factor in the Rohingya people being subjected to abuses of their human rights.

Since Bangladesh and India have taken steps to enhance their economic, political, trade, and cultural ties over the past several decades, as well as to create an extensive institutional framework for promoting bilateral cooperation, India must now take the initiative to work with the Bangladeshi government to quickly repatriate Rohingya refugees. Joe Biden, the vice president of the United States, has expressed grave concerns about the state of affairs in Myanmar. Sanctions imposed on Myanmar in response to a recent military coup may inadvertently help that country’s democracy return in some small manner. The coup d’état was also seen by President Biden as a “direct assault on the country’s transition to democracy.” Experts in the field of international relations contend that Myanmar’s success and significant progress towards democratic administration during the previous ten years led to the United States lifting sanctions against it. Therefore, the process of returning to a military-run system had put a stop to the development of democracy for an indefinite amount of time, necessitating a thorough assessment of US sanctions on Myanmar, which may be followed by appropriate action. This halt in democracy’s advancement calls for a thorough assessment of United States (US) sanctions against Myanmar, which may be followed by appropriate action.

Influences of geopolitics and Rohingya crisis

It should come as no surprise that China maintains strategic interests in Myanmar. China now has access to the Indian Ocean thanks to its acquisition of Myanmar. China is building the Kyauk Phyu port in Myanmar to serve as a base for an oil-gas pipeline and a road link between the Bay of Bengal and Yunnan province, cutting supply routes from the Middle East. In order to facilitate the establishment of a unique economic zone in the Rakhine state of Myanmar, the port recently inaugurated a trading estate. Therefore, China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is extremely dependent on maintaining positive relations with Myanmar.

The recent shift in Myanmar’s foreign policy towards the West has also been a source of concern for China. This is yet another factor. The recent criticism levelled against Myanmar by Western nations on its treatment of the Rohingya people has provided Beijing with an opportunity to mend its ties with the country. In keeping with this, Beijing has vociferously supported the Myanmar regime both locally and internationally. When the UN Security Council attempted to make a united statement denouncing the acts of the military in Myanmar, China exercised its right to veto the statement using its power.

In addition, the military takeover of the government and Suu Kyi’s arrest have been regarded as a major cabinet shift by the Chinese government.  It does not make sense to incorporate India in the bilateral relations that already exist between Bangladesh and China. Instead, Bangladesh ought to work on formulating its very own strategy, in accordance with its foreign policy, for interacting with major powers such as India, China, the United States, and other countries in their own right. In the midst of problems between India and China in eastern Ladakh in June of 2020, as well as developing tensions with Nepal, India has found itself separated from its neighbors. This is in part due to the expanding influence of China in the region. In addition, India has found itself alienated from its neighbors as a result of the escalating tensions with Nepal. Because of this, India has the impression that it is become further isolated from its neighbors.

New Delhi anticipated that Dhaka would side with it in the ongoing crisis with China due to the fact that it has both political and commercial interests in Bangladesh. Dhaka, however, did not take a side, which came as a surprise to New Delhi.  Instead, it adopted a position of neutrality and advocated for the peaceful resolution of difficult matters. This kind of impartial stance is illustrative of the experienced leadership that Bangladesh has displayed, and it sends a loud and obvious message that Bangladesh is ready to shape issues and capitalise on national interests.

As a result of China’s complex web of ties and coalitions with states in the region, China is placing an increasing amount of strategic emphasis on the region that encompasses South Asia as well as the marine zones immediately next to it. On the surface, the dynamics of these partnerships appear to be based on interdependence; however, in reality, they are driven by the long-term political, economic, and strategic interests of the respective parties.

China’s political and military realists place a significant amount of importance on Bangladesh as a player among the South Asian states. A strategic alliance of this kind with Dhaka provides Beijing with more leverage to restrain the activities of Indian soldiers. This is made abundantly clear by the regular political interactions that take place between the two countries as well as the increased military cooperation that exists between them. The Government of Bangladesh is clearly aiming to capitalize on the geopolitical benefit that Bangladesh enjoys as a country that oversees the strategically crucial water lanes of the Indian Ocean linking China to the Persian Gulf. Bangladesh is situated in a location that gives it a unique vantage point from which to observe these sea lanes, which connect China to the Persian Gulf. These sea lanes play a role in securing energy supplies for Beijing. Bangladesh is located on the western coast of the Indian Ocean.

This strategy is indicative of her vision to move forward with a situation that is fundamentally a ‘win-win’ by leaving behind China’s antagonistic attitude during Bangladesh’s Liberation War in 1971.  Last but not least, in light of the fact that Bangladesh and China have been working hard to strengthen their bilateral relations over the past decade, it is imperative that China takes the initiative to collaborate with the government of Bangladesh on the expeditious repatriation of Rohingya refugees.

RECOMMENDATIONS

We urge governments in this region and beyond to support Bangladesh and help Myanmar establish the necessary framework for Rohingya refugees’ safe, dignified, and voluntary return. The UN, which is passionate about genuine Rohingya refugee repatriation from Bangladesh, must collaborate with donors and other stakeholders to find a permanent solution. Pressure the Myanmar government to return its nationals by fostering a safe and secure environment.

We implore the Government of Myanmar to act swiftly to address the long-standing, underlying causes of the crisis in order to prevent further forced emigration and allow the refugees to eventually return home in safety and dignity. UN must simultaneously use diplomatic force against Myanmar in order to implement the Annan Commission’s advice. In this regard, the United Nations Security Council has to write a resolution to speed the inquiry into human rights breach-es and secure international oversight for the safe repatriation of refugees and migrants.

Additionally, the Security Council must begin planning a return trip to the Rohingya refugee camps to pressure the Myanmar government to establish “safe zones” for people from all backgrounds involved in armed conflict. As long as this problem remains unaddressed, the government of Bangladesh should keep up its efforts to convince other nations to maintain their engagement in the situation and continue catering to the immediate need of these migrants. We also de-mand that the Rohingya people be allowed to return to Myanmar in secure conditions, where they will no longer be forced to live in the constant fear that they would be persecuted.

CONCLUSION

Humanitarian, political, law and order, security, development, and environmental considerations must be addressed while reconsidering various enforcement phases in light of the severity of the suffering endured by Rohingya refugees. In order to support the governments of Bangladesh and Myanmar in achieving voluntary, safe, and dignified returns, the international community collaborates closely with both governments. According to them, the Rohingya community’s protracted cycle of displacement can only be broken by peaceful returns. In 2018, Myanmar, UNHCR, and UNDP signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to enlighten refugees about their home nations. This memorandum of agreement allows Rohingya refugees to return to their communities and other areas (MoU).

In a coordinated effort, UN agencies, international and national Non-governmental Organization (NGOs), and govern-mental organizations work to safeguard women, men, girls, and boys who are refugees, offer them life-saving aid, and promote social cohesion. For Myanmar and Bangladesh as well as the rest of the region, problems of ambiguity and instability may arise if this issue is allowed to persist for an extended period of time. People believe that the greatest way to respect human rights is to permit Rohingyas to return to Myanmar, where they were born, with freedom of movement and other fundamental human rights. People eagerly anticipate the successful return of the Rohingya to Myanmar and their subsequent access to several facets of human security.

The growing rift within Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) over how to treat Myanmar must be brought up when talking about the Rohingya problem. Many strategists believe that this could have an impact and further reduce the group’s influence. In this context, it has been noted that Hun Sen, the dictatorial Prime Minister of Cambodia since 1985, disobeyed an ASEAN ban on official travel to Myanmar after the coup in order to meet Gen. Min Hlaing.

Other ASEAN states were outraged to a great extent by this meeting between Hun Sen, the organization’s current chair, and the controversial leader of Myanmar. Saifuddin Abdullah, the foreign minister of Malaysia, was the most outspoken opponent, followed by Singaporean and Indonesian government representatives. Alan Doss, a former UN Under Secretary-General, noted that Singapore’s stance was unexpected and that, in contrast to their usual practice, where they tended to be quite conservative when commenting on other countries’ civil affairs, this time they had avoided their past practice and were “willing to really push forward and seek a more activist confrontation with what happened in Myan-mar.” However, the two dominant nations in the region, Thailand and Vietnam, largely kept silent.

As part of ASEAN’s growing diplomatic involvement, Myanmar’s military-appointed defense minister, General Mya Tun Oo, attended a gathering of Southeast Asian leaders on June 22, 2022. Despite criticism from pro-democracy groups and regional bloc members, the Myanmar junta and its representatives were allowed to attend ASEAN meetings. General Mya Tun Oo is the highest-ranking Myanmar envoy to attend an ASEAN ministerial summit since the junta was ejected late last year for breaking a peace accord.

The 10-nation ASEAN bloc continues to be divided over how to handle the military forces that took control of Myan-mar last year and have since conducted a brutal crackdown against its opponents. The Malaysian defense ministry was quoted in the media as saying that even though the military administration was present at the most recent meeting, “Malaysia does not recognize the (junta) as the legitimate government of Myanmar. However, Tea Banh, the minister of defense for Cambodia, has noted that the general from Myanmar’s participation suggested a coordinated group. In this con-text, Banh has also mentioned that the ten defense ministers from Southeast Asia will virtually exchange ideas with their Chinese and Japanese colleagues during this meeting. The Defense Ministers’ conversation is still under wraps, but ac-cording to a Joint Statement sent to the media, everyone there expressed support for efforts to “bring about a peaceful transition to normalcy in Myanmar.”

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