Trapped by Tradition and Circumstance: Socioeconomic and Cultural Determinants of Staying in Abusive Marriages Among Catholic Women in Nairobi
- Michael Kimani Gitao
- Rev. Prof. Stephen Mbugua Ngari (Ph.D)
- Dr. Elijah Macharia Ndung’u (Ph.D)
- 4038-4055
- Oct 10, 2025
- Gender Studies
Trapped by Tradition and Circumstance: Socioeconomic and Cultural Determinants of Staying in Abusive Marriages Among Catholic Women in Nairobi
Michael Kimani Gitao, Dr. Elijah Macharia Ndung’u, Rev. Prof. Stephen Mbugua Ngari
Catholic University of Eastern Africa, Kenya
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.909000328
Received: 04 September 2025; Accepted: 12 September 2025; Published: 10 October 2025
ABSTRACT
Background: Marital abuse remains a pervasive challenge among married Catholic women, shaped by complex intersections of socioeconomic, cultural, and religious factors.
Objective: This study investigated determinants influencing women’s decisions to remain in abusive marriages within the Catholic Archdiocese of Nairobi, with particular focus on economic pressures, cultural expectations, and coping strategies.
Methods: A mixed-methods approach was employed, involving 182 women meeting the CASR-SF threshold for abuse severity and 28 key informant interviews with priests. Quantitative analysis used Mann–Whitney U tests to assess relationships between economic/cultural factors and abuse severity, while qualitative thematic analysis explored lived experiences.
Key Results: Economic concerns, particularly child support obligations, and cultural expectations, such as dowry obligations and gender roles, significantly influenced women’s decisions to remain in abusive marriages. Women reporting these pressures experienced higher abuse severity (p < .01). Qualitative findings revealed that while spiritual commitment offered emotional refuge, it also reinforced harmful endurance. Coping strategies included spiritual practices, silence, social support, and temporary separation. Participants emphasized the need for institutional interventions, including clergy counseling training, male-targeted seminars, and youth moral formation.
Conclusion: Marital abuse persists not only due to financial dependence but also structural, cultural, and relational factors, highlighting the importance of integrated psychosocial, legal, and faith-based interventions.
Keywords: Marital abuse, Catholic women, cultural norms, socioeconomic factors, coping strategies, Nairobi
INTRODUCTION
Marital abuse remains a pervasive social and public health challenge worldwide, disproportionately affecting women across cultural, religious, and socioeconomic boundaries. The World Health Organization (2021) estimates that nearly one in three women globally have experienced physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner in their lifetime. Such abuse often occurs within the private sphere of the home, where cultural norms and religious values tend to render it invisible, underreported, or normalized. In patriarchal societies, women are often socialized to uphold ideals of marital endurance, patience, and obedience, even in the face of harm (Heise et al., 2019). These dynamics reinforce the persistence of abusive relationships and complicate women’s decisions to leave, particularly when religious teachings and cultural expectations converge to emphasize marital permanence.
In sub-Saharan Africa, the prevalence of marital abuse is among the highest globally, with structural inequalities and entrenched patriarchal systems contributing to women’s vulnerability (Koenig et al., 2020). Research from countries such as Nigeria, Uganda, and South Africa consistently demonstrates that women are more likely to remain in abusive marriages due to a combination of financial dependence, stigma, and the fear of ostracism from their communities (Jewkes & Morrell, 2018). In Kenya, the Kenya Demographic and Health Survey (KDHS, 2022) reported that about 34% of ever-married women had experienced spousal violence, underscoring the scope of the problem. Despite widespread recognition of marital abuse as a violation of human rights, many women continue to endure abusive marriages, highlighting the need to interrogate the cultural, economic, and religious underpinnings of this phenomenon.
The Catholic Church holds a prominent role in Kenyan society, particularly in urban centers like Nairobi, where it provides not only spiritual guidance but also social and educational services. Catholic doctrine emphasizes the sanctity and indissolubility of marriage, discouraging divorce and instead advocating reconciliation and forgiveness (John Paul II, 1981). While these teachings foster marital commitment and stability, they can also create pressure on women to remain in abusive unions, perceiving departure as a sin or moral failure (Nason-Clark et al., 2018). Studies have shown that religious women often interpret endurance of abuse as a demonstration of faith and sacrifice, sometimes reinforced by clergy who counsel patience rather than separation (Pui-Lan, 2016). This intersection between theology and lived experience situates Catholic women in a particularly vulnerable position, especially when compounded by socioeconomic and cultural constraints.Socioeconomic factors play a decisive role in shaping women’s decisions about abusive marriages. Financial dependence on husbands, limited access to property rights, and restricted employment opportunities make it difficult for women to envision life outside their marriages (Vyas & Watts, 2009). Women from lower-income households in Nairobi often lack access to safe housing or social support networks, increasing the likelihood of enduring abuse for economic survival. Empirical studies demonstrate that financial insecurity is one of the strongest predictors of remaining in abusive marriages across Africa (Kimani & Kombo, 2010). The lack of adequate state welfare programs further exacerbates this situation, forcing women to rely on marital relationships for subsistence and protection.
Beyond economic dependence, intergenerational transmission of poverty and limited access to education further compound women’s vulnerability. Research in Kenya shows that women with lower educational attainment are less likely to access information about legal rights, protection services, or economic empowerment opportunities (Gibbs et al., 2020). This structural disadvantage makes it harder for women to challenge abusive partners or negotiate exit strategies. Moreover, children are often central to women’s decision-making processes. Many women remain in abusive marriages to preserve financial stability for their children, fearing that leaving would result in homelessness, school dropout, or social marginalization (Maticka-Tyndale et al., 2005). Thus, socioeconomic constraints are not only individual but extend to family-level survival strategies.
Cultural determinants also reinforce women’s continued stay in abusive marriages. In many Kenyan communities, the payment of bride price (dowry) signifies a binding contract not only between husband and wife but also between families (Silberschmidt, 2001). Women whose families accepted dowry payments may feel intense pressure not to bring shame to their kin by leaving the marriage. Moreover, cultural norms stigmatize divorced women, labeling them as failures or burdens, which often discourages them from exiting abusive unions (Machisa et al., 2018). Silence around domestic violence is further perpetuated by cultural ideals of family honor, where women are discouraged from speaking out or seeking external help. Such norms intersect with religious and economic realities to create a powerful web of constraints that make leaving abusive marriages exceedingly difficult.
Additionally, patriarchy continues to function as a powerful cultural script legitimizing male dominance in marital relations. Studies across sub-Saharan Africa highlight that gendered expectations position men as heads of households, while women are expected to endure suffering for the sake of preserving marriage (Jewkes et al., 2015). These expectations normalize women’s subordination and limit their perceived agency in abusive situations. In Nairobi, where urbanization intersects with traditional cultural values, women may face conflicting pressures: while modern legal systems recognize their right to protection, entrenched patriarchal norms continue to valorize endurance and obedience. The persistence of these double standards illustrates why legal reforms alone are insufficient without parallel cultural transformation.
Despite the growing body of literature on marital abuse in sub-Saharan Africa, limited research has examined how Catholic matrimonial beliefs interact with socioeconomic and cultural determinants in influencing women’s decisions to remain in abusive marriages. Much of the existing scholarship emphasizes either religious perspectives or economic explanations in isolation (Nason-Clark et al., 2018; Vyas & Watts, 2009), but rarely the intersectional nature of these factors in specific contexts like Nairobi. Understanding this interplay is crucial in designing interventions that respect religious convictions while simultaneously addressing systemic inequities that perpetuate abuse. This study, therefore, seeks to explore the lived realities of Catholic women in the Archdiocese of Nairobi, with particular attention to the socioeconomic and cultural constraints that influence their decisions to remain in abusive marriages.
METHODOLGY
Study Design
This study employed a convergent parallel mixed-methods design, integrating quantitative and qualitative approaches to comprehensively examine the influence of Christian matrimonial beliefs and socio-cultural factors on Catholic women’s decisions to remain in abusive marriages. The quantitative strand measured the prevalence and correlates of abuse, while the qualitative strand provided deeper insights into lived experiences, enabling triangulation of findings.
Participants and Setting
The study was conducted within the Catholic Archdiocese of Nairobi, Kenya. Participants were 182 married Catholic women who had experienced physical or emotional marital abuse. And 28 key informant interviews with priests. Recruitment was carried out through parish networks and community referrals using purposive and snowball sampling techniques. Inclusion criteria were: (a) being legally married, (b) active participation in the Catholic Church, and (c) willingness to share personal experiences regarding marriage. Women undergoing separation, divorce, or counseling for abuse were also included. Men and unmarried women were excluded.
Instruments and Measures
Quantitative data were collected using a structured questionnaire comprising demographic questions and psychometrically validated scales. The Composite Abuse Scale (Revised) – Short Form (CASR-SF) assessed severity of marital abuse among the married Catholic women .. Items also captured self-reported experiences of physical and emotional abuse. For the qualitative component, a semi-structured interview guide was developed to explore participants’ experiences with abuse, religious convictions, cultural expectations, and economic circumstances. The guide was pilot-tested for clarity and cultural appropriateness.
Procedure
Data collection occurred over three months. Questionnaires were either self-administered or researcher-assisted for participants with literacy challenges. In-depth interviews were conducted face-to-face in private, safe environments (church premises or participants’ homes, depending on preference). With informed consent, interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants. Ethical principles of voluntary participation, confidentiality, and the right to withdraw were strictly observed throughout the process.
Sampling Frame and Sample Size
The sampling frame consisted of married Catholic women drawn from the seven Catholic deaneries in the Catholic Archdiocese of Nairobi, with inclusion criteria requiring a minimum of one year in marriage. This frame was considered adequate as it closely approximated the entire population of interest (Neuman, 2003). Married women experiencing abuse were identified through the Composite Abuse Scale (Revised) – Short Form (CASR-SF; Hegarty et al., 2016), which captures physical, emotional, and controlling behaviors. From an initial target population of 679 women, 404 completed questionnaires were deemed valid following an initial screening. A subsequent CASR-SF assessment for severity identified 182 respondents meeting the threshold of consistent or recurring abuse (CASR-SF score ≥ 6), who were retained for analysis. Table 1 presents the distribution of participants across the deaneries.
Table 1: Sampling Frame of Married Catholic Women
County | Deanery Category | Deanery Name | Married Catholic Women |
Nairobi | Urban | Nairobi Central | 50 |
Outering | 98 | ||
Ruaraka | 68 | ||
Kiambu | Peri-urban | Kiambu | 111 |
Kikuyu | 100 | ||
Thika | 133 | ||
Rural | Mangu | 119 | |
Total | 7 deaneries | 679 |
Source: Field sample data per deanery (2024)
For the clergy component, 10% of the 220 priests in the Archdiocese were sampled, resulting in 21 priests, proportionally distributed across the seven deaneries using simple random sampling (Mugenda & Mugenda, 2008). This sample size was considered representative of key informants. In addition, focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with married Catholic women. Three FGDs were held, each comprising 10 participants (30 participants in total), stratified by urban, peri-urban, and rural parishes to capture contextual diversity. Purposive sampling was employed for FGDs to ensure rich qualitative insights. For quantitative sample size justification, the formula for infinite population (Mensah, 2014) yielded a minimum requirement of 385 participants at 95% confidence level (z = 1.96, p = 0.5, c = 0.05). The study exceeded this, with 404 valid responses obtained, of which 182 met the criteria for abuse severity and the priests totalled to 28. Table 2 presents a summary of the respondents across categories.
Table 2: Sampling Matrix
Type of Respondent | Number of Respondents from Sampled Population | Actual Number of Respondents |
Married Catholic Women | 404 | 182 (after CASR-SF screening for severity) |
Priests | 21 | 28 |
FGDs (3 groups × 10 each) | 30 | 30 |
Total | 455 | 240 |
Data Analysis
Quantitative data were cleaned, coded, and analyzed using R software. Descriptive statistics (frequencies, means, percentages) summarized participant characteristics and abuse patterns. Inferential tests included Chi-square tests to examine associations between beliefs, cultural/economic factors, and the decision to remain in abusive marriages, and the Kruskal-Wallis test for ordinal responses on the CASR-SF. Qualitative data were analyzed thematically using NVivo. An inductive coding process was applied to transcripts to identify recurring patterns related to religious obligations, cultural norms, and socioeconomic constraints. Codes were refined iteratively and organized into higher-order themes to provide nuanced insights complementing the quantitative results.
Instrument Pre-testing, Reliability, and Validity
To ensure clarity and appropriateness of the data collection instruments, both the questionnaire and interview guides were pre-tested with a small sample of 10–15 married Catholic women and 5–10 participants for a pilot FGD, drawn from a deanery not included in the final study. The pre-test enabled refinement of ambiguous or sensitive items and ensured the instruments were culturally appropriate and user-friendly (Neuman, 2003).
Table 3: Reliability Summary of the Composite Abuse Scale Revised (CASR-SF)
Reliability Indicator | Value | Interpretation |
Cronbach’s Alpha (raw) | 0.96 | Excellent reliability |
Standardized Alpha | 0.94 | Excellent reliability |
Average Inter-Item Correlation | 0.52 | Strong consistency |
Signal-to-Noise Ratio | 16 | Strong reliability |
95% CI for Alpha | 0.95–0.97 | Consistently high |
Reliability of the measures was evaluated using Cronbach’s alpha. The Composite Abuse Scale (Revised) – Short Form (CASR-SF; Ford-Gilboe et al., 2016) demonstrated excellent internal consistency (α = 0.96), confirming it as a robust tool for capturing abuse experiences.
Ethical Considerations
Ethical sensitivity was paramount due to the vulnerable nature of participants and the emotionally charged subject of marital abuse. Informed consent was obtained in writing from all participants after providing full information on the study’s purpose, procedures, and voluntary nature. They were assured of their right to withdraw at any point without consequence. To maintain confidentiality, no names were recorded; instead, participant IDs were used. Data were stored in locked cabinets for hard copies and password-protected digital files for electronic records. Only the principal researcher and academic supervisors had access to raw data. Upon study completion, sensitive data were anonymized and securely archived in line with ethical research practice (Neuman, 2003). Approval to conduct the research was granted by ISERC and NACOSTI after a thorough review of all ethical documentation, including consent forms and data collection tools. All procedures adhered strictly to guidelines set out in the Belmont Report and Kenyan national research ethics policies.
STUDY FINDINGS
Demographic Profile of Participants
A total of 182 married Catholic women who met the threshold for clinically significant marital abuse participated in the quantitative phase. The majority resided in Kiambu County (70%), with the rest from Nairobi County (30%). This distribution may reflect rural-urban contextual influences on help-seeking behavior and tolerance of abuse. Regarding parish location, participants were almost evenly distributed among urban (34%), peri-urban (32%), and rural (34%) parishes, offering comparative potential for understanding abuse across varied social settings. Notably, older women dominated the sample, with 51% aged 51 years and above, while only 2% were aged between 25–30 years. This skew toward older age groups suggests a deeper insight into long-term marital dynamics and endurance of abuse over time.
Table 4: Demographic Characteristics of Respondents (N = 182)
Variable | Category | Frequency (n) | Percentage (%) |
County of Residence | Nairobi | 55 | 30.2 |
Kiambu | 127 | 69.8 | |
Parish Location | Urban | 62 | 34.1 |
Peri-urban | 58 | 31.9 | |
Rural | 62 | 34.1 | |
Age Group (years) | 25–30 | 4 | 2.2 |
31–40 | 28 | 15.4 | |
41–50 | 57 | 31.3 | |
51 and above | 93 | 51.1 | |
Education Level | Primary | 42 | 23.1 |
Secondary | 104 | 57.1 | |
Tertiary/College | 11 | 6.0 | |
University (Bachelor’s) | 25 | 13.7 | |
Postgraduate | 2 | 1.1 | |
Occupation | Farming | 42 | 23.1 |
Small business | 53 | 29.1 | |
Casual labor | 28 | 15.4 | |
Employed | 15 | 8.2 | |
Unemployed | 24 | 13.2 | |
Other | 20 | 11.0 | |
Number of Children | None | 2 | 1.1 |
1–2 children | 37 | 20.3 | |
3–4 children | 70 | 38.5 | |
5 or more children | 73 | 40.1 |
In terms of education, 57% had completed secondary school, 23% had primary education, and only 14% held a bachelor’s degree. A mere 1% had attained postgraduate education. This suggests a moderately educated sample, potentially impacting awareness and interpretation of religious teachings on marriage and suffering. Occupationally, the majority were engaged in informal work, with 29% running small businesses and 23% involved in farming. This economic backdrop may affect their dependence on marital relationships and capacity to exit abusive environments. Over 93% of the women had at least one child, with more than 40% having four or more children, a variable that adds significant weight to economic and emotional dependence within abusive relationships. To examine the prevalence of marital abuse among married Catholic women in the Catholic Archdiocese of Nairobi, both self-reported and structured measures (via the Composite Abuse Scale Revised – Short Form [CASR-SF]) were employed. Findings reveal a disturbingly high prevalence of both emotional and physical abuse, far exceeding national estimates.
Socioeconomic and Cultural Influences on Remaining in Abusive Marriages
Economic Factors
Among the 182 respondents who met the CASR-SF threshold, 74 women (43%) reported that economic factors influenced their decision to remain in abusive marriages, while 100 women (57%) indicated that economic factors were not influential. Among those who identified economic influences, the most frequently cited factor was child support costs (47%), followed by financial dependence (21%). Other factors included sense of belonging (8%), religious or cultural beliefs (4%), and love/attachment (3%). A further 16% preferred not to disclose the specific factor (Table 5).
Table 5. Distribution of Reported Economic Influences on Remaining in Abusive Marriages (n = 74)
Economic Factor | Frequency (n) | Percentage (%) |
Child support costs | 35 | 47 |
Financial dependence | 16 | 21 |
Sense of belonging | 6 | 8 |
Religious/cultural beliefs | 3 | 4 |
Love/attachment | 2 | 3 |
Not disclosed | 12 | 16 |
Total | 74 | 100 |
Cultural Expectations and the Endurance of Abusive Marriages
When asked whether culture influenced their decision to remain in an abusive relationship, 40 participants (22%) responded “Yes,” 130 participants (71%) responded “No,” and 12 participants (7%) preferred not to say (Table 6).
Table 6. Influence of Cultural Expectations on Remaining in Abusive Marriages (n = 182)
Response | Frequency (n) | Percentage (%) |
Yes | 40 | 22 |
No | 130 | 71 |
Prefer not to say | 12 | 7 |
Total | 182 | 100 |
Qualitative responses provided deeper insight into how cultural expectations shaped decisions. Among those who reported cultural influence, the most frequently cited theme was child support concerns (26%), followed by financial dependence (19%). Other cultural influences included dowry and marital obligations (15%), cultural expectations and gender roles (10%), and religious or cultural beliefs (8%). Smaller proportions mentioned personal decisions (4%), emotional attachment/love (3%), or reliance on personal income (3%). A further 9% chose not to disclose a specific factor (Table 7).
Indicate some verbatim responses here from the women.
Table 7. Reported Themes of Cultural Influence on Remaining in Abusive Marriages
Theme | Frequency (n) | Percentage (%) |
Child support costs | 10 | 26 |
Financial dependence | 8 | 19 |
Dowry and marital obligations | 6 | 15 |
Cultural expectations / gender roles | 4 | 10 |
Religious or cultural beliefs | 3 | 8 |
Personal decisions | 2 | 4 |
Emotional attachment / love | 1 | 3 |
Reliance on own income | 1 | 3 |
Not disclosed | 5 | 9 |
Total | 40 | 100 |
Influence of Economic and Cultural Factors on Abuse Severity
Economic Factors and Severity of Abuse
A Mann–Whitney U test revealed a statistically significant difference in the severity of abuse between women who reported economic concerns as influencing their decision to remain in an abusive relationship and those who did not. Participants citing economic influence reported higher CASR scores, indicating more severe abuse (W = 2459, p = .0002; Table 8).
Table 8. Mann–Whitney U Test Comparing CASR Scores by Economic Factors
Group | N | W | p-value | Interpretation |
Economic factors (Yes/No) | , | 2459 | .0002 | Significant difference in severity |
Cultural Factors and Severity of Abuse
A similar test assessed the relationship between cultural influence and abuse severity. Results showed that women who reported cultural expectations as a reason for remaining in abusive marriages had higher CASR scores than those who did not. This difference was statistically significant (W = 1820, p = .0041; Table 9).
Table 9. Mann–Whitney U Test Comparing CASR Scores by Cultural Factors
Group | N | W | p-value | Interpretation |
Cultural factors (Yes/No) | , | 1820 | .0041 | Significant difference in severity |
Strategies in Addressing Marital Abuse
Personal Coping Strategies
Respondents reported diverse coping mechanisms (Figure 1). The most common strategy was spiritual coping, with 24% citing practices such as prayer, church attendance, or seeking guidance from clergy. Avoidance and silence were nearly as common (23%), followed by seeking social support from family or community members (20%). Communication and dialogue were reported by 10%, while 12% reported temporary exit or physical separation. Other strategies included forgiveness or emotional expression (4%) and seeking formal external help such as counseling, legal aid, or reporting abuse (3%). A small group (4%) did not disclose their coping strategies.
Figure 1. Coping Strategies Reported by Married Catholic Women (%)
Reporting of abuse was mixed among respondents (Table 10). While 43% of participants confirmed that they had reported abuse, formally or informally, 52% indicated they had never reported, and 5% preferred not to respond.
Table 10. Reporting of Abuse
Reported abuse | Frequency | Percentage |
Yes | 78 | 43% |
No | 94 | 52% |
Prefer not to say | 10 | 5% |
Total | 182 | 100% |
Among those who reported, outcomes varied (Figure 2). The most frequent resolution mechanism was through family or community intervention (32%), followed by resolution through dialogue (18%). Other reported outcomes included unresolved or ineffective cases (13%), religious or counseling support (10%), legal or formal institutional interventions (9%), and apology/forgiveness or temporary change (9%). A further 9% indicated no action was taken.
Give some verbatim responses from the women to justify the data above
Figure 2. Outcomes of Reporting Abuse (%)
Suggested Institutional Strategies by Participants
Participants proposed several institutional strategies for addressing marital abuse (Figure 3). The most frequently cited strategy was the establishment or strengthening of church-based programs and counseling services (31%). Male-focused education and engagement followed (24%), highlighting the importance of involving men in preventive efforts. Other suggested strategies included couple communication and conflict resolution programs (11%), faith-based coping and spiritual support (10%), and women’s empowerment initiatives (8%). Additional strategies included general education and awareness campaigns (4%), legal and psychosocial support services (3%), couple counseling and seminars (3%), and church policy reforms regarding divorce and separation (3%).
Figure 3. Suggested Institutional Strategies by Participants (%)
Strategies Recommended by Priests
A total of 28 priests provided recommendations, which were grouped into five thematic categories (Figure 4). The most frequently mentioned recommendation was marriage education and awareness-building (7 priests). Promotion of gender equality and access to counseling was the second most common (6 priests). Other recommendations included integrating faith-based teachings with legal education (4 priests), counseling and spiritual accompaniment for women in abusive marriages (3 priests), and legal or policy reforms (2 priests).
Figure 4. Strategies Recommended by Priests (Number of Mentions)
Qualitative Insights
The qualitative findings provided deeper insight into the religious, cultural, and socio-economic factors that shaped women’s decisions to remain in abusive marriages.
Perceptions of the Church and Clergy
Participants described mixed views regarding the Church’s capacity to respond to marital abuse. While some acknowledged the moral authority of priests, others doubted their preparedness to deal with sensitive marital issues. Concerns were raised about clergy lacking counseling skills and, in some cases, struggling with personal challenges. As one woman remarked, “We get concerned because we are not sure priests can handle it. Some have challenges like alcoholism, so I am not sure they would understand” (Participant, FGD1, Karuri Catholic Parish, May 2025). Despite such doubts, many still recognized the central role of the Church in shaping marital values. One woman noted, “My marriage vows impacted me to remain in marriage – church, faith, and forgiveness have made me stick on” (Participant, FGD2, Thika Deanery, May 2025). Similarly, another emphasized that spiritual refuge remained a source of strength: “Being in the Church helps so much. There is a lot of peace after going to church” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025).
At the same time, participants acknowledged a tension between religious doctrine and the realities of abuse. A participant explained, “Sometimes Biblically I can ignore these verses because my husband can do actions that call for rescuing yourself first and saving children from abuse” (Participant, FGD1, Karuri Catholic Parish, May 2025). Others stressed that economic insecurity also influenced endurance. As one woman reflected, “I think of my grandchildren and I have to persevere to give them a home. I feel that if I had the resources maybe I would have stepped out” (Participant, FGD2, Thika Deanery, May 2025).
Cultural Beliefs and Constraints
Cultural traditions reinforced religious obligations, further constraining women’s agency. Beliefs about ancestral curses and taboos surrounding the matrimonial home were particularly powerful. One participant recounted, “There are some cases where there are curses… when I get back to my matrimonial home, the children get better… the grandfather prohibited that they should not be taken away from their matrimonial home” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025). Marriage was also described as a patriarchal and transactional institution, where the payment of dowry legitimized male control. One woman narrated, “There is a friend of mine, the husband would occasionally tell her, ‘My wife, do you know I have not beaten you in a while?’ and the husband would beat her for no reason whatsoever” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025). Similarly, women in polygamous settings described collective punishment: “In a polygamous marriage… if one wife offended the husband, he would beat all of them. They were four wives” (Participant, FGD1, Karuri Catholic Parish, May 2025).
Social stigma and cultural silence compounded these experiences, discouraging disclosure of abuse. As one participant shared, “I don’t disclose or discuss our abuses in public, I always masquerade like it’s normal. I love my husband so I act normal” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025). Together, these findings illustrate how religion and culture intersect to reinforce endurance in abusive marriages. While faith provided spiritual refuge, it also sustained harmful endurance, especially when reinforced by cultural myths that equate silence with dignity and endurance with virtue.
Socio-Economic and Structural Challenges
Contrary to the assumption that financial dependence is the core driver of women’s endurance in abusive marriages, many participants emphasized that economic self-reliance did not necessarily protect them from violence. One woman explained, “Most women look for money. Women support themselves. All we need is peace. It’s not about money” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025). This highlights that while poverty can exacerbate household stress, the roots of abuse lie more deeply in structural and relational power dynamics shaped by cultural expectations.
Women described inconsistent and often inadequate responses from both ecclesiastical and community structures. Many were counseled to persevere in abusive marriages for the sake of children or family reputation. In some cases, even when abuse was disclosed to priests, the responses were ineffective. One participant recalled that her priest was “confused with her case” (Participant, FGD1, Karuri Catholic Parish, May 2025), underscoring the clergy’s limited preparedness to address complex psychological and relational issues. The recurrent refrain “a wise woman builds her home” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025) reflected societal pressure on women to carry the responsibility of preserving marriage at all costs. The lack of institutional safety nets, including shelters or reliable legal support, compounded this vulnerability. In extreme cases, participants shared accounts of women who fled homes barefoot, were rejected by family or church leaders, or resorted to suicide when no support was forthcoming.
Proposed Strategies and Institutional Gaps
Despite these challenges, participants offered constructive suggestions for breaking the cycle of abuse. A key recommendation was for the Church to organize proactive seminars targeting men, with an emphasis on emotional regulation and conflict resolution. As one participant stressed, “We need counselors to assist men to adapt ways and means to cope in their marriages without resulting to abuse. The young people need to be talked to. Men need more seminars than are currently organized” (Participant, FGD1, Karuri Catholic Parish, May 2025). This call underscores a desire for preventative strategies that address the roots of abusive behavior rather than merely reacting to its consequences.
There was also a strong consensus on reviving moral and spiritual formation for children and youth. One participant insisted, “Let’s go back to Sunday school… Teach kids on life skills from their formative years” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025), while another noted that “Children are rejecting the Church when left on their own” (Participant, FGD1, Karuri Catholic Parish, May 2025). Such perspectives indicate that participants saw abuse prevention as beginning with early, value-based education. While the Church was positioned as a potential catalyst for transformation, participants also acknowledged gaps in its current pastoral response. Several doubted priests’ counseling competence, with references to clergy struggling with personal challenges such as alcoholism. As one respondent observed, such struggles undermined their credibility in providing marital guidance. Consequently, participants recommended that the Church either train clergy in counseling or collaborate with professional lay counselors trusted by the community.
Some voices also challenged assumptions that women were always passive victims. One participant commented, “It’s not that all women are easy or good to be with” (Participant, FGD3, Mang’u Deanery, May 2025), pointing to the need for interventions that foster mutual accountability and healing. By framing abuse not only as a women’s issue but as a community problem requiring holistic dialogue, participants emphasized that prevention strategies must be inclusive of both genders and wider kinship networks. Overall, these findings highlight the complex intersection of religion, culture, and social structures in shaping women’s endurance of abuse. While faith and tradition offer stability and meaning, they also perpetuate silence and normalize suffering. At the same time, participants envisioned the Church as a critical actor in disrupting these cycles, provided it invests in counseling, youth formation, and community-wide dialogue.
DISCUSSION
The findings from this study highlight the significant role of economic dependence in shaping women’s decisions to remain in abusive marriages. Among the respondents, 43% indicated that economic considerations were a key determinant, with child support costs and financial dependence being the most frequently cited reasons. This aligns with existing scholarship suggesting that financial insecurity often serves as a barrier to leaving abusive relationships (Femi-Ajao, 2018; Vyas & Watts, 2009). Women in abusive marriages may weigh the economic repercussions of separation, such as loss of financial support, inability to provide for children, and uncertainty regarding property rights, against the risks of continued abuse (Jewkes, 2010).
Child support costs emerged as the most prominent concern, cited by 47% of those who acknowledged economic influence. This reflects the broader challenge of child maintenance enforcement in Kenya, where legal and institutional mechanisms to ensure paternal responsibility remain weak (Wanjiru & Kaye, 2019).
Consequently, women may feel compelled to endure abuse to secure consistent financial support for their children. Financial dependence was also reported by 21% of participants, consistent with evidence that economic autonomy significantly influences women’s capacity to leave abusive marriages (Kabeer, 2016). Without access to personal income, savings, or alternative support systems, women are more likely to remain trapped in cycles of abuse. Interestingly, a smaller proportion cited non-material considerations such as a sense of belonging (8%) and emotional attachment (3%). These responses suggest that while economic insecurity is central, it often intersects with psychosocial factors in shaping women’s decisions. Love, attachment, and the desire for family unity may reinforce women’s tolerance of abuse, even when financial dependence alone might not fully explain their persistence (Bhana & Pattman, 2011). Overall, these findings underscore the need for economic empowerment initiatives, including vocational training, microfinance programs, and legal enforcement of child maintenance, to reduce women’s vulnerability in abusive marital contexts. Viewed comparatively, these dynamics in Nairobi mirror patterns in other African Catholic communities, where financial dependence remains a powerful constraint, while diverging from some global Catholic settings where stronger welfare systems lessen the degree of economic compulsion.
Cultural influences also emerged as a critical determinant, though less pronounced than economic factors. Only 22% of respondents reported that culture influenced their decision to remain in abusive marriages, compared to 71% who denied such influence. Nonetheless, qualitative responses reveal that cultural norms and expectations exert a subtle but powerful influence. Among women who acknowledged cultural influence, dowry and marital obligations were cited by 15%. This finding resonates with studies showing that dowry, bride price, and related customary practices create strong social and moral pressure to remain in marriage despite abuse (Machisa & Shamu, 2018). In many Kenyan communities, a woman who leaves her marital home risks stigmatization or being labeled as dishonorable, as divorce is perceived to bring shame not only to the individual but also to her family (Kimuna & Djamba, 2008).
Additionally, 10% of participants referenced cultural expectations and gender roles. This reflects patriarchal norms that define marriage as an enduring union, where women are expected to be submissive, tolerant, and resilient in the face of adversity (Silberschmidt, 2001). Such cultural narratives normalize abuse and reinforce the notion that a “good” wife must endure hardship for the sake of family unity.
Furthermore, some respondents (8%) explicitly mentioned religious and cultural beliefs as a barrier, reinforcing the interconnectedness of spiritual and cultural pressures in sustaining abusive marriages. The influence of dowry and cultural norms must be situated within a broader discussion of social capital and collective identity. In contexts where marriage is perceived not merely as an individual union but as an alliance between families, women often face immense pressure to remain in abusive marriages to protect family honor (Koenig et al., 2003). This aligns with global feminist scholarship, which has consistently emphasized how cultural ideologies reinforce structural inequalities that limit women’s agency (Walby, 1990). From a comparative perspective, Nairobi’s experiences resonate with Catholic communities in Africa where bride price and gendered expectations reinforce marital endurance, while differing from global Catholic settings where cultural traditions may take other forms, showing that local practices here intensify the constraints placed on women.
While economic and cultural factors can be considered separately, this study suggests a dynamic interplay between them. For instance, women cited child support costs both under economic and cultural themes, highlighting how financial insecurity is often framed within culturally prescribed expectations of motherhood. Similarly, dowry and bride price obligations not only exert cultural pressure but also generate financial dependencies that make separation economically unviable. This intersection underscores the multidimensional nature of women’s experiences. Economic empowerment programs alone may be insufficient if cultural ideologies continue to normalize abuse and discourage separation. Conversely, efforts to challenge cultural norms must be accompanied by material support systems to ensure that women have practical alternatives. A holistic approach that integrates economic, cultural, and psychosocial dimensions is therefore essential in addressing the persistence of abusive marriages in Kenya.
The present study found that women who cited economic or cultural influences as reasons for remaining in abusive marriages reported higher levels of abuse severity, as indicated by significantly higher CASR scores. This suggests that socioeconomic and cultural constraints do not merely explain the persistence of abuse, but may also compound women’s vulnerability to more severe forms of violence. The link between economic concerns and abuse severity corroborates evidence from other contexts. For instance, Vyas and Watts (2009) demonstrated that women with greater economic dependence on their partners experience more frequent and severe abuse. Similarly, Schuler et al. (2013) found that women who lacked financial autonomy were not only more likely to endure abuse but also less likely to report it, reflecting structural inequalities that intensify violence. The present findings extend this knowledge by showing that, in the Nairobi Catholic Archdiocese, economic concerns such as child support costs and financial dependence do not merely constrain women’s decisions but directly correlate with higher severity of abuse.
Cultural expectations also showed a significant relationship with abuse severity. Women who identified cultural norms as a reason for remaining in their marriages had higher abuse scores compared to those who did not. This finding aligns with prior studies that link patriarchal cultural systems and marital obligations, including dowry and gender-role expectations, to escalated forms of violence (Jewkes et al., 2015; Kimuna & Djamba, 2008). In highly patriarchal settings, women may feel unable to resist abuse, with endurance framed as an obligation of wifehood. The present data suggest that such cultural narratives may normalize and even intensify abusive behavior, thereby sustaining cycles of severe abuse.
The study also examined strategies adopted by women in addressing abuse. The most common coping mechanism was spiritual coping (24%), including prayer and seeking pastoral guidance. This underscores the centrality of religion as a personal and communal resource for resilience. Prior studies have shown that spirituality provides women with a framework of meaning that helps them endure hardship (Makunda, Waititu, & Nyakundi, 2024). However, reliance on spiritual coping may inadvertently reinforce silence, as women prioritize forgiveness and perseverance over confrontation or exit (Amoakohene, 2004). Other strategies such as avoidance and silence (23%) and reliance on social support (20%) highlight both adaptive and constrained forms of agency. While social support has been linked to reduced risk of prolonged abuse (Goodman et al., 2003), avoidance often delays intervention and allows abuse to escalate. Encouragingly, some respondents reported temporary separation (12%) and communication/dialogue (10%), which may signal emerging pathways toward more proactive coping. However, only a small minority sought formal institutional support (3%), reflecting persistent barriers such as stigma, fear of reprisal, and weak institutional enforcement mechanisms (Machisa & Shamu, 2018). From a broader Catholic lens, similar reliance on spiritual coping is observed elsewhere, but the Nairobi case appears more pronounced, as limited institutional alternatives mean women are more likely to continue enduring abuse rather than exit.
Reporting of Abuse and Outcomes
Nearly half of the participants (43%) reported abuse, while a slightly higher proportion (52%) had never disclosed their experiences. Among those who reported, the outcomes were mixed. Family or community-based resolutions (32%) and dialogue (18%) were the most common, but many cases remained unresolved (13%) or were addressed through apology/temporary change (9%). This reflects patterns noted in other African contexts, where communal conflict resolution often takes precedence over legal recourse, but may fail to provide lasting protection (Koenig et al., 2003; Femi-Ajao, 2018). The relatively low reliance on legal institutions (9%) and counseling (10%) highlights systemic challenges in access to justice and professional support. These findings point to the need for strengthening formal institutional responses while ensuring they are trusted, accessible, and culturally sensitive.
Institutional Strategies: Voices of Women and Priests
Participants suggested institutional strategies that foreground the role of the church as a central actor in addressing marital abuse. The most frequently mentioned were church-based programs and counseling services (31%), followed by male-focused education and engagement (24%). These priorities reflect a recognition that sustainable change requires not only supporting survivors but also engaging men in prevention efforts. Literature supports this, showing that male-focused interventions can effectively challenge patriarchal norms and reduce violence (Flood, 2011). Women also highlighted empowerment initiatives, communication programs, and policy reforms. Similarly, priests emphasized marriage education, promotion of gender equality, and integration of faith-based teachings with legal education. Together, these perspectives demonstrate a shared recognition of the need for multi-layered interventions that combine pastoral care, gender equality promotion, and legal reform.
Implications and Future Directions
The findings of this study have several implications. First, interventions to address marital abuse among Catholic women in Nairobi must integrate economic empowerment and cultural transformation. Economic empowerment programs should be linked with legal mechanisms for child support enforcement and women’s property rights. Second, cultural and religious institutions must play a proactive role in challenging harmful norms that normalize endurance of abuse. Third, coping strategies reveal an urgent need for strengthened institutional support, including survivor-centered counseling, safe shelters, and responsive legal systems. Future research should adopt longitudinal and qualitative designs to explore how economic and cultural factors interact over time to shape abuse severity. Additionally, further examination of the role of faith-based organizations in both reinforcing and challenging abuse-supportive norms could provide critical insights into intervention design.
Perceptions of the Church and Clergy
The narratives revealed that the Catholic Church occupies an ambivalent position in the lives of women experiencing abuse, at once a refuge and a source of frustration. On one hand, many participants articulated a deep reliance on faith, with spiritual practices and the moral authority of the Church providing them with comfort and resilience. For some, the sacramental meaning of marriage and the sanctity of vows directly contributed to their decision to endure abuse. This reflects the global observation that religion, particularly in Christian communities, can foster coping strategies that strengthen spiritual resolve in the midst of suffering (Nason-Clark et al., 2018). On the other hand, doubts about the clergy’s preparedness to address sensitive marital issues highlight a serious pastoral gap. Several women noted priests’ lack of counseling skills or struggles with personal challenges such as alcoholism. Such concerns echo Baloyi’s (2013) warning that untrained clergy, when confronted with marital abuse, often reinforce silence or advise endurance rather than providing life-affirming alternatives. The tension between doctrine and lived realities was particularly striking: while some women viewed biblical texts as binding, others admitted selectively dismissing verses when their survival or their children’s safety was at stake. This underscores a critical disjuncture between theological ideals and practical realities of abuse, suggesting that while faith remains an anchor, it may also entrap women in violent situations unless church leaders are better equipped to respond.
Cultural Beliefs and Constraints
Cultural traditions deeply reinforced religious obligations, creating a multi-layered barrier to women’s agency. Beliefs about ancestral curses and taboos surrounding matrimonial homes illustrate how cultural narratives naturalize women’s return to abusive environments. Such accounts resonate with Silberschmidt’s (2011) findings that cultural myths in sub-Saharan Africa often sanctify male dominance, making resistance appear as betrayal of family heritage. The persistence of dowry as a legitimizing tool for male control further underscores the patriarchal foundation of marriage. As participants narrated, dowry often positioned women as possessions, subject to arbitrary violence, sometimes even framed as a husband’s right. Similar accounts from Nigeria and Uganda show that bridewealth legitimizes not only men’s authority but also collective punishment in polygamous households (Ntoimo & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2014; Izugbara et al., 2020). Moreover, stigma and silence emerged as protective veneers, enabling women to masquerade as content wives in public while enduring abuse privately. This echoes the notion of “patriarchal bargaining” (Kandiyoti, 1988), whereby women strategically conform to cultural expectations to preserve dignity and avoid social sanctions, even at great personal cost. Together, these findings reveal that religion and culture intersect to valorize endurance, equating silence with virtue and suffering with resilience, thereby normalizing cycles of abuse.
Socio-Economic and Structural Challenges
Contrary to common assumptions that financial dependence is the primary reason women remain in abusive marriages, the participants emphasized that economic self-reliance did not necessarily guarantee safety. Many women reported sustaining themselves financially yet still enduring abuse, thereby highlighting that marital abuse is less about material scarcity and more about entrenched power relations and gender norms. This is consistent with Heise’s (2011) ecological framework, which identifies structural patriarchy rather than individual poverty as the root driver of violence. Furthermore, the narratives revealed systemic failures in institutional responses. Clergy, family elders, and community leaders often counseled endurance, reinforcing the pervasive cultural refrain that “a wise woman builds her home.” Such advice placed the burden of reconciliation squarely on women, even when abuse was severe. These accounts mirror studies in South Africa and Tanzania, where religious and traditional authorities often redirect blame onto women, advising submission and silence (Chisale, 2020). The absence of shelters, reliable legal enforcement, and trauma-informed clergy counseling compounded women’s vulnerability. Some described fleeing barefoot, being rejected by family, or in extreme cases, contemplating suicide due to lack of support. These experiences underscore not only the inadequacy of current ecclesiastical and community safety nets but also the urgent need for systemic reforms that prioritize women’s dignity and protection over family reputation.
Proposed Strategies and Institutional Gaps
Despite these challenges, participants offered constructive and forward-looking suggestions. Central among these was the need for preventative interventions targeting men. Calls for seminars on emotional regulation, conflict resolution, and responsible masculinity align with recent scholarship emphasizing male engagement as a cornerstone of violence prevention (Jewkes et al., 2015). By framing abuse as a community problem rather than a women’s issue, participants highlighted the importance of transforming cultural narratives that legitimize male dominance. Equally, the insistence on reviving moral and spiritual formation for children reflects recognition of the intergenerational transmission of values. Teaching children early about respect, empathy, and equality was seen as a long-term strategy for disrupting cycles of abuse, a view consistent with global best practices in violence prevention (WHO, 2021). However, doubts about priests’ counseling competence revealed an institutional gap. Participants recommended either professional training for clergy or collaboration with lay counselors, an approach supported by evidence that faith-based partnerships with professionals significantly improve responses to domestic violence (Nason-Clark, 2019). Interestingly, not all women positioned themselves as passive victims. Some noted that women also contribute to marital conflict, suggesting that interventions should foster mutual accountability while not diluting men’s responsibility for violence. This nuanced perspective highlights the importance of balanced approaches that promote healing, dialogue, and systemic accountability. Ultimately, while participants envisioned the Church as a critical actor for transformation, they cautioned that such change requires both theological reframing and structural investments in pastoral competence.
CONCLUSION
The findings of this study underscore the complex interplay of religious, cultural, and socio-economic factors that influence the endurance of abusive marriages among Catholic women in Nairobi. While faith and cultural norms provide emotional and spiritual support, they simultaneously perpetuate silence and normalize suffering, particularly when coupled with inadequate institutional interventions. This highlights how deeply embedded belief systems and social expectations can function as both protective and risk factors, creating internal conflicts for women who struggle between upholding religious teachings and prioritizing their personal safety.
Beyond the individual level, the persistence of abuse is reinforced by structural limitations, such as weak institutional frameworks, limited access to safe spaces, and inadequate legal and psychosocial support systems. The Church’s central role in shaping moral guidance presents both an opportunity and a challenge. On one hand, faith-based institutions offer trust, familiarity, and potential platforms for intervention. On the other hand, rigid interpretations of scripture and emphasis on marital endurance often discourage victims from seeking help or exiting abusive relationships. Thus, meaningful interventions must carefully balance respect for religious values with the urgent need to protect women’s rights and dignity. The practical implication is that addressing marital abuse requires holistic strategies that go beyond individualized counseling or awareness campaigns. Comprehensive approaches should include early moral and value-based education targeting both boys and girls, male-focused engagement programs to challenge patriarchal attitudes, and stronger institutional support from the Church and community. Policy makers, religious leaders, and community organizations must collaborate to establish clear protocols for reporting abuse, strengthen protective legislation, and provide survivor-centered services. By integrating these approaches, stakeholders can create environments that empower women, promote safer family structures, and break the intergenerational cycle of silence and suffering.
COMPLIANCE STATEMENTS
This study received ethical approval from the relevant Institutional Scientific Ethics Review Committee (ISERC), confirming compliance with ethical research principles. Subsequently, clearance was sought and granted by the National Commission for Science, Technology and Innovation (NACOSTI) in Kenya , ensuring adherence to established ethical guidelines for research involving human participants. Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection, with assurances of confidentiality and voluntary participation. The authors declare no conflicts of interest. This study did not receive any external funding.
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